the world's affairs, and to harmonize, as we hope, still more completely her civilization and ours. It is our duty here to present the ideals of this great association of peoples in willing loyalty to one Sovereign, to take counsel together for the progress and welfare of all, and to keep our strength both moral and material, a united power for justice, liberty and peace.

OPENING SPEECH BY MR. MEIGHEN

MR. MEIGHEN: I think we might utilize a little more time to-day in hearing statements from some of us of a general character and then proceed to lay down the agenda. As far as I am concerned, I do not think that anything I might say in advance of our discussion of concrete subjects would be of sufficient importance to warrant a day or even half-a-day's adjournment for preparation. I have listened to the illuminating introduction of the Prime Minister, and I cannot bring myself to think that such a pregnant and impressive address will not receive full publication.

It is unfortunate that the obligation of speaking first should fall upon me, the least experienced representative of the Dominions, but it is well that the traditional order of precedence be followed.

The Prime Minister referred to conditions in the British Isles, which, of course, we all from the various Dominions watch with great interest. The words of encouragement which he gave were very welcome to my ears. In Canada we do not suffer in the same degree from unemployment, but none the less we have much more than the normal. The extent and proportion of our agricultural population is such that we have in our belief less unrest than in most countries, and we feel also that our comprehensive and reasonably generous policy towards returned men, particularly to those entering upon agriculture, has reduced the evil in that respect.

The information that the Prime Minister has given as to the progress of peace negotiations, or rather the re-establishment of actual peace upon the basis of the peace treaties, is indeed

encouraging. I feared myself that he would not be able to make quite so gratifying a report.

As to the observations he made on the principles to be kept in mind in our deliberations on the Japanese Treaty and its renewal, we cannot over-estimate their importance. Possibly in the outlying Dominions we are not disposed to give the same attention to one feature which he draws attention to, the paramount necessity of seeing to it that no step is taken that leaves out of mind the importance of mitigating racial divisions. What I have to say as to this subject will, of course, be more appropriate later. All I can do now is to assure you that I, representing Canada, approach this question with a full sense of responsibility, and in seeking to interpret what I believe is the prevailing opinion of my country on the subject, I do so with a firm resolve to reach, if it can be reached, common ground with all representatives here.

The Prime Minister referred to suspicions that had been generated of designs on the autonomy of the Dominions, conspiracies to bring about revolutionary changes in our Constitutional relations. I may say that I do not think any responsible representative of any Dominion, I am quite certain of Canada, requires to have his mind cleansed of evil thought in that respect.

It is due to the Conference, and particularly the Prime Minister, that I should gratefully acknowledge here his striking and memorable words in referring to the services rendered by the British Dominions and India during the late War. No finer expression of the feelings of the people of the British Isles has been uttered, and I feel that his valued tribute will be long remembered throughout the length and breadth of the Empire.

There can be no doubt as to the value of Conferences such as this. The whole progress of the world, particularly since the War, has emphasized the value of conferences. Indeed, it is the method that has been incorporated as the very basis of the new order which the world is seeking to establish whether under the name of the League of Nations, or under

some other name or under no name at all. For ourselves, of course, for this Britannic Commonwealth of nations, this method or principle has a peculiar significance. We are united by the history of our being, by a mutual trust, and by a fundamental intention to preserve a common allegiance. We therefore confer under conditions particularly favourable to free and open communication one with another, and in an atmosphere of complete mutual confidence.

There are two conditions of success that I think of importance, though perhaps they are only partly under our control. If our conclusions are to be sound, and being sound, to be acted upon, they must be accorded not only general support, but intelligent support throughout the countries we represent. It is therefore essential that we fully inform the public of our proceedings. There may, in respect of some questions, be limitations; we shall indeed at times be bound to respect what may be called the right of privacy of Governments and peoples Xother than our own. The problem is not a simple one, but I venture to suggest that it is better in the long run to err on the side of publicity than on the side of secrecy. The other condition is that such conferences as these should be as frequent and as regular as the growing necessities of inter-Dominion and inter-Empire relations demand. Time, I know, is important. It is difficult for Canadian Ministers to be absent, and that difficulty is accentuated in the case of Ministers of other Dominions. The expeditious despatch of business while here will assist all round.

I shall reserve any further remarks until we reach the discussion of the definite subjects that are to be brought before us.

21st June, 1921

OPENING SPEECH BY MR. HUGHES

MR. HUGHES: I desire to congratulate you on the admirable review of the position that you presented to us yesterday. I am sure it was most valuable as well as most interesting. We were all very glad to learn from you, Sir, that though the

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adjustment of those matters which arose out of the War is not yet complete, all our obligations, and our ex-enemies' obligations under the Treaty, were in a fair way of being fulfilled. We recognize that there are difficulties, and that it is not easy to satisfy those who preach a counsel of perfection, but I think we ought to congratulate you and the Government on having, during these last two years, weathered a great storm full of menacing possibilities, and though it would savour of too much optimism to say that we had yet reached the haven, still, on the whole, we have much to be thankful for. I very sincerely congratulate you as the head of the Government of the United Kingdom.

You have asked us to consider and review the situation as it presents itself to us, and I think we may do this with advantage before we pass on to the discussion of the various questions, or, indeed, decide the order in which we are to discuss them. The circumstances of this Conference are in themselves sufficiently remarkable. This is the first time we have met since the dark shadow of the great War has been lifted, and we are showing to the world and to the various parts of the Empire that those counsels which we took together during the War were not ephemeral expedients, but that we are resolved to continue along that path in company, being guided by each other's counsel and believing firmly that in cooperation and in unity lies the safety of all, and, in no small degree, the peace and welfare of the world.

Well, Sir, we are here some of us have come very great distances, and all have come at great personal inconvenience. Some of us, like Mr. Massey and myself, have come 12,000 miles. We have each given our views to our representative Parliaments as to what this Conference intends, or hopes, to do. Much is expected from us, and I do venture earnestly to hope that this Conference will do something which will convince the people that we have found a practical and sure way of bridging that apparently impossible chasm which divides complete autonomy of the several parts of the Empire from united action upon matters affecting us all.

That we must do something is essential if this Conference is not to be a last magnificent flare of a dying illumination. I am sure, Sir, you will realize how difficult it is for us to leave a Parliament for five or six months. I shall not, I hope, be suspected of trespassing upon the sacred domain of domestic politics if I ask you just to conjure up in that vivid Celtic mind of yours as I do in mine—the possibility of your being away for six months.

Now, amongst the great problems that are to be considered three stand out. You referred to all of them yesterday. They are:-Foreign Policy in general, the Anglo-Japanese Treaty in particular, and Naval Defence. There are other problems, of course, which are intimately associated with these. If we . are to give effect to the principle, which I take it has already been accepted, viz., the right of the Dominions to sit at the Council table on a footing of equality, and to discuss with you and the other representatives the question of the Foreign Policy of the Empire-these also must be not only considered, but settled. I do not think I am misinterpreting the opinions of all my friends here when I say that this voice, this share, in the Council of the Empire in regard to foreign policy must be a real one, must be one of substance and not merely a shadow. This involves the creation of some kind of machinery, and here we come to a very difficult position, to which I shall refer very shortly later.

We are now asked to deal with foreign policy, and in order that we may do this, you have said that Lord Curzon would review the present position of foreign affairs. We shall await that statement with great interest. The whole Empire is concerned in foreign policy, though this was for many years regarded as the sole prerogative of Great Britain. Wars are hatched by foreign policy. No one is able to say that any act affecting foreign nations will not, in the fullness of time, lead to war. No one is able to say that the most apparently trivial and innocent action will not involve us in international turmoil, and in the fullness of time bring us to the bloody plains of war. So, when we see on every side the British line