to suffer from this cause; the lobola custom, in virtue of which a man receives a number of cattle when he gives his daughters in marriage, will probably remain the woman's one defence and safeguard-and it is not a noble one though it is surprisingly effective." The whole system of the cult of the unfit belongs to the childhood of man, and it may be that the phenomenon of Socialism is an indication of the near advent of man's second childhood. Mr. Kidd is a scientific observer and not a political satirist. Yet Swift himself could not have imagined a more bitter lesson or a truer than one conveyed in Mr. Kidd's comment upon the aspirations of the educated Kaffir. "It is strange," he says (Kaffir Socialism, p. 118), "that the educated natives are unable to see that they cannot have it both ways. They want all the advantages of 'political rights' that are given only to mature adults, and yet as all who follow the speeches of the educated Kaffirs know, they want also to have at the same time all the discriminating privileges that are given only to children or minors. But the moment they get their 'political rights' they will lose their children's privileges. Because they are backward and immature they ask us to protect them from competition with keen and smart white men, and piteously appeal for discriminating legislation on such a subject as the high rates of usury demanded by shady European moneylenders; they expect us to secure to them enormous tracts of land-and they insist on having the most fertile land-though thousands of white men are anxious that this land should be thrown into the market. At present we decline to listen to the white people, even though we know they would The Fortnightly Review.

exploit the land to better purpose than the Kaffirs do; and we base our refusal to listen to the white men simply on the fact that we adopt a parental relation to the native, and therefore protect him from the fierce competition of civilization. The moment we really grant an honest franchise the Kaffirs will find the white man 'eating up' the land. In a dozen different ways we protect and shield the natives because of their political immaturity. The educated Kaffirs may now clamor for the rights of fully civilized men, but they would be the very first people to cry out when they found that the privileges granted merely because of their immaturity were vanishing one by one. The educated natives, therefore, could not be more short-sighted than to seek to be placed on an absolute equality with white men. They may not now fully realize their immeasurable inferiority to the European; let them but receive a real franchise, and they would find it out with a vengeance." The late Lord Salisbury once "got himself into trouble" because, in a speech dealing with the question of Irish Home Rule, he illustrated the truism that not all men in all conditions were fit for self-government, by observing that "you would not give self-government to Hottentots." Thereupon every Irish patriot arose in his wrath and declared that Lord Salisbury had called him a Hottentot. Undeterred by the deluge of invective which Lord Salisbury brought down upon himself, I do not hesitate to say that the cult of the unfit, as taught by our Radical Socialists, and as translated into practice by the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, bears a forcible resemblance to the fallacies of "the educated Kaffir."

E. B. Iwan-Müller.

There is much legitimate curiosity concerning a prince who, though long in the background, seems destined one day to occupy a prominent position on the European stage. To-day he is known as Franz Ferdinand; to-morrow he may be Emperor of the Dual Monarchy as Francis II.

The drama at Mayerling Castle, in which the Archduke Rudolf, the HeirPresumptive to the Austrian throne, perished, opened brilliant prospects to Franz Ferdinand, who had hitherto been merely one of the crowd of Austrian Archdukes. On the disappearance of the Crown Prince, the Archduke Charles Louis, father of Franz Ferdinand and brother of the Emperor Francis Joseph, became the heir to the throne; but Charles Louis was a philosopher, and, appalled by the burden and anxiety of power, he renounced his rights, and died in 1893. The Emperor was reluctant to recognize Franz Ferdinand as his successor, preferring the latter's younger brother, Otho Francis Joseph, who, however, disappointed the hopes of the aged monarch. He was a spendthrift. He died in 1906, leaving Franz Ferdinand in free and unchallenged possession. The future sovereign of the Dual Monarchy, who is a vigorous and taking personality, with a clear decided manner, received an excellent education. His tutor, Bishop Marschall, devoted himself to making his charge an accomplished prince, and when still quite young he finished his education by extensive travels in Egypt, Syria, Palestine, India, and Japan, whence he brought back a splendid collection.

While stationed at Presburg with his regiment the Archduke Franz Ferdinand was a constant visitor at the Chateau de Pozsony, belonging to his cousin, the Archduke Frederick, Duke

of Taschen, the husband of Princess Isabella of Croy, who had not unnaturally entertained the hope that the Heir-Presumptive might be attracted by one of her daughters, and great was her chagrin on discovering that her cousin was captivated by the charms of her companion, Countess Chotek de Chotkowa et Woguin, a very intelligent and delightful young lady, belonging to a great but impoverished Czech family. The devoted young Archduke braved all opposition, including that of his uncle, the Emperor, and overcame all obstacles, and on July 1, 1900, Franz Ferdinand was morganatically married to the Countess Chotek at Reichstadt.

This step put the Heir-Presumptive in a false position, because by the Austrian Constitution he was compelled to pledge himself on oath to the exclusion of his wife from the Austrian throne, as also to bar the succession of their children. Hungary on the other hand, where the succession was regulated by the Pragmatic Sanction of 1723, repudiated the law governing the Hapsburg succession, refused to recognize this double exclusion, and in November 1900, after a month's debate, the Budapest Parliament formally acknowledged Franz Ferdinand as the HeirApparent to the Crown of St. Stephen's, the net result being that while his wife and children are excluded from the Austrian Succession, their rights to the Hungarian throne are recognized. This is admittedly a strange, abnormal, and complicated situation, capable if it continues of causing the future Emperor much difficulty and embarrassment. It is obvious that when the Countess Chotek (subsequently created Princess Hohenberg by the Emperor) becomes Queen

of Hungary, while remaining merely a morganatic wife in Austria, she will occupy a peculiarly paradoxical and equivocal, not to say an impossible position. It is scarcely surprising that under such circumstances the Archduke Franz Ferdinand should be suspected of desiring to ignore the undertakings required of him by the law of Austrian succession, so as to secure for his wife and children, especially his son, the throne of the Hapsburgs. He is, indeed, believed to be bent on overcoming all opposition, however violent, and that there is opposition goes without saying. The existence of powerful Court cabals against the Archduke and the Princess Hohenberg-of which the Archduchess Grizella, the eldest daughter of the present Emperor and the wife of Prince Ferdinand of Bavaria, and the Archduchess Isabella, are the ringleaders-has long been a matter of common knowledge. These great ladies, who at one time enjoyed the countenance of the German Emperor, would transfer the Crown from the Archduke Franz Ferdinand to his nephew young Charles Francis Joseph, the son of Otho, younger brother of Franz Ferdinand. It was even rumored that the Emperor Francis Joseph regarded this intrigue with a favorable eye, as he would have so much preferred to be succeeded by his great-nephew rather than by his nephew, but there is no serious confirmation of this gossip, and recent events indicate that the Emperor is prepared to accord his rightful place in the Monarchy to the Heir-Presumptive. For some time the hostile cabal has been in a state of suspended animation, and to-day Princess Hohenberg is the object of attentions to which she was formerly a stranger. She recently received a visit from the German Crown Prince-the first member of a reigning royal family to pay

this compliment-and what was still more significant, at a dinner given in honor of the Crown Prince, at which the Archduchess Isabella was also present, Princess Hohenberg sat between the Emperor Francis Joseph and the German Heir-Apparent.

It is rumored in Court circles in Vienna that Franz Ferdinand has already bespoken the good offices of the Vatican in the steps necessary to relieve him of the oath imposed by the statute regulating the succession of the House of Hapsburg, excluding his young wife from the Austrian throne. This contingency would only arise after the death of Francis Joseph, when the Archduke would have himself become Austrian Emperor and master of the destinies of the Dual Monarchy. Doubtless such action would excite formidable opposition at the Austrian Court, but the future Emperor is not easily intimidated, and he will do his utmost to secure his end. He is already strengthening his position in the army, in which he has made himself popular by effecting wise reforms. Thus in 1905, when representing the Emperor at the manoeuvres in Dalmatia, he took upon himself to retire the then Chief of the Staff, Baron von Beck, whom he replaced by one of his own men, General Konrad, who is still Chief of the Staff of the Austro-Hungarian army. He has since devoted himself to carrying out a comprehensive constructive policy of army reform, including the reconstitution of the General Staff, the re-distribution of army corps, the creation of a reserve artillery, the increase of the military contingent, and the expansion of the navy. He has likewise conducted a courageous campaign against "Court Generals," and almost every number of the official Military Gazette announces that one or other of these personages has been placed on the retired list, their places 'being taken by

young and capable officers. The army has complete confidence in the Archduke, who is even credited with the qualities of a generalissimo. His labors bore fruit during the recent Near Eastern crisis, when both fleet and army were rapidly and effectively mobilized, Europe being surprised by the vigor and vitality displayed by the Dual Monarchy.

For nearly ten years Francis Joseph kept the heir to the throne outside public affairs. The Prince was for all practical purposes non-existent, being without power or authority. But ultimately the Emperor realized that this rigid ostracism was bad for the future of his dominions. At first he confined his nephew to such trivial matters as the granting of leave to generals, the promotion of minor functionaries, sporting affairs, &c. &c. Gradually the relations between the Sovereign and his heir became more cordial, if not intimate, though the conflict between the Crown and the party of Hungarian independence gave rise to an incident which checked this rapprochement. The weary Emperor was prepared to make considerable concessions, to the annoyance of the Archduke, who was credited with saying, "A Crown is a sort of trust of which not any one, not even the reigning Sovereign, is entitled to diminish the prestige." This comment was repeated to the Emperor, who was offended and a coolness ensued between uncle and nephew, but it did not last, and the Archduke speedily recovered his influence which has grown steadily year by year, and of late the world has realized that he has become a considerable factor in the Dual Monarchy. It is universally recognized in Vienna that Franz Ferdinand was mainly responsible for the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as also for the fall of the Beck Cabinet. Thus he has exercised direct and powerful influence 2322. LIVING AGE. VOL. XLIV.

on the two chief events of the day, foreign and domestic. It is indeed no longer permissible to doubt that despite hostile intrigues, the Heir-Presumptive has more than regained his influence and henceforward beside the setting Imperial sun, there is a rising Imperial sun towards which the illcompacted inhabitants of the Dual Monarchy direct a questioning if not anxious gaze.

Foreign countries are equally interested in knowing what manner of man is the coming Emperor and King of Austria-Hungary. In domestic politics the opinions of Franz Ferdinand are fairly well known, as his acts speak with sufficient lucidity. He is an ardent Catholic, an enemy of Jews and Calvinists, who desires above all things that the Austro-Hungarian Empire should remain a Catholic Empire. He has persistently supported the fervid Catholic propaganda carried on in Bosnia and Herzegovina by Mgr. Stadler, the Archbishop of Sarajevo. He is in close relations with the Christian Socialists, who are led by the notorious Dr. Lueger, the anti-Semitic Burgomaster of Vienna, and the Archduke is credited with saying: "The enemies of the Church are the enemies of our country," which speaks volumes for his sentiments as a militant Catholic, while his inclination to adopt the title of Francis II., out of regard for the monarch of the Treaty of Vienna and the Holy Alliance, is equally significant. In a word, Franz Ferdinand is the hope of the Conservative forces of the Empire.' He is a no less convinced partisan of universal suffrage, believing, as he does, that such a measure would consolidate the crown

1 Certain Viennese newspapers are alarmed at the ultra-Conservative and clerical tendencies of the Emperor of to-morrow. For instance, on November 23, the" Neues Wiener Tageblatt," in speaking of the "new course" towards which the future policy of the Monarchy appeared to be moving, expressed its anxiety at the outlook, and also as to the consequences of an anti-Hungarian policy.

of the Hapsburgs and weaken the position of the Magyars, whom Franz Ferdinand mistrusts. The action of the Hungarian Parliament in recognizing Princess Hohenberg as the future Queen of Hungary did less than might have been expected to establish friendly relations between the Archduke and the Hungarians, while the prolonged and frequently acute crisis between the Crown and the party of Hungarian Independence, towards whom the Archduke advised strong measures, perturbed political circles in Budapest. There have been other differences. It is alleged that among the grievances of the Archduke against the Hungarian Government was the question of the bishopric of Groswardein which the Archduke desired to confer upon his Hungarian tutor, Joseph Langi, Bishop in partibus. The Hungarian Government demurred, ostensibly on the ground of its inability to provide the necessary endowment. Franz Ferdinand's annoyance at this rebuff was aggravated on learning that a démarche had already been made in Rome with a view to conferring the bishopric of Groswardein on another candidate. Shortly afterwards a brilliant reception was held at Budapest in honor of the King of Spain, at which the Archduke appeared to completely ignore Count Ap. ponyi, the Minister of Instruction, and when the Hungarian Government sought to pay its respects, Franz Ferdinand brusquely left Budapest in order to avoid a displeasing audience. It is therefore hardly surprising that when last November it was stated in Vienna that the Emperor contemplated celebrating the jubilee of his accession by conferring a co-regency upon his nephew, the Hungarian press should have entered a unanimous and vehement protest. On November 26 the Budapesti Hirlap cited Article 3 of the Hungarian Constitution-which the

Sovereign had sworn to observe-explicitly stipulating that any change of sovereignty or affecting the rights of sovereignty required the consent of the Hungarian Parliament, adding that while no one could prevent the Emperor from abdicating, it would be contrary to the fundamental laws of Hungary that he should share the sovereignty with any one else. This did not imply that Francis Joseph could not delegate his powers and privileges as regards certain functions, provided always that such functions were within the limits of the Hungarian Constitution. The leading Hungarian organ ended by recalling the fact that when Maria Theresa wished to make her husband, Francis of Lorraine, coregent with herself, she was compelled to consult the Hungarian Parliament, which, by Law 4, 1741, limited their co-regency to functions not affecting the sovereignty.

Latterly the relations between the Heir-Presumptive and the Hungarian Government have been less strained. The Archduke received several Magyar statesmen in order to discuss the Balkan crisis, and it is believed that during these audiences he dwelt on the impossibility of weakening the bonds between Hungary and Austria. The army, for instance, must remain as it is. For if it were once decided to meet the Magyars' wishes by making the Hungarian language the only language in the Hungarian Army, instantly Czechs, Croats, Poles and other nationalities would claim similar privileges for their languages, to the disintegration of the army if not to the dismemberment of the Empire. There is nothing surprising in this attitude, which at once accords with the known ideal of the Archduke to make the Dual Monarchy a closely united Empire inspired by national ambitions, as also with his own acts, always in conformity with this ideal,