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from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and the world is only just now beginning to realise what may be expected in the way of Canadian development, which, with all sincere and due deference to the learned gentleman to whom I have referred, is but in its earliest infancy. In order to cope with the situation created by the present expansion, the manufacturers of Eastern Canada are increasing their facilities for production as rapidly as possible, but even so, are scarcely able to meet the demands made upon them. This being the state of prosperity with Western Canada in its early infancy, it is difficult for even the optimistic to over-gauge the extent of the further progress which will certainly be made in the near future.

It is officially estimated that in Manitoba, Assiniboia, Saskatchewan, and Alberta alone there are, approximately, 171,000,000 acres suitable for profitable farming. Of this vast area only a small fraction is under cultivation. Bearing this fact in mind let us take the case of a single settler locating on the virgin prairie at midsummer, and we find that if he exercises ordinary industry, and if the season be an average one, he will be able with one team of horses or oxen to prepare, say, 40 acres ready for wheat during the first summer. Under average conditions there will be a yield in the following season of, say, 1,000 bushels (125 quarters) of the finest milling wheat in the world. In addition to this, he will probably produce a sufficiency of grain and food for stock, to meet the needs of his homestead. Nine-tenths of his wheat crop he will be in a position to sell. Placing the settler's capital at £100, the proceeds of the first year's wheat crop at an average pricesay 60 cents. a bushel-will enable him to realise an amount greater than his working capital. As the result of one year's experience on wild prairie land of a man with but small capital, the contiguous railway is furnished with some 54,000 pounds of wheat freight, and the Canadian manufacturer is called upon to supply at least a plough, a wagon, a binder, and other tools costing about £70; this is, of course, in addition to the ordinary cost of living. I think you will readily admit that this is a very significant showing, and when the vastness of the area is remembered upon which similar results are possible, I do not think it is too much to say that in no part of the globe does there exist, upon such a huge scale, and amid so many advantageous surroundings, equal possibilities for the creation of wealth from the soil.

Professor William Saunders, Director of the Dominion Experimental Farms, in an article on wheat-growing in Canada, makes what he calls a "reasonable prophecy." He says:

"The total imports of wheat and flour into Great Britain in 1902 were equivalent in all to about 200 million bushels of wheat. Were one-fourth of the land said to be suitable for cultivation in Manitoba and the three provisional territories under crop with wheat annually, and the average production equal to that of Manitoba for the past ten years, the total crop would be over 812 million bushels. This would be ample to supply the home demand for 30 millions of inhabitants (supposing the population of Canada should by that time reach that figure), and meet the present requirements of Great Britain three times over. This estimate deals only with a portion of the West, and it leaves the large Eastern provinces cut of consideration altogether. From this it would seem to be quite possible that Canada may be in a position within comparatively few years, after supplying all home demands, to furnish Great Britain with all the wheat and flour she requires, and leave a surplus for export to other countries. With a rural population on the western plains in 1902 of about 4c0,oco, over 67 millions of bushels of wheat were produced. Add to this the wheat grown in Ontario and the other Eastern provinces, and we already have a total of over 93 million bushels. These figures are full of promise for the future of Canada as a great wheat-producing country."

Professor Saunders might be fairly asked where the population is likely to be drawn from to accomplish this stupendous result. The answer is that the people will come chiefly from Europe and the United States of America. I suppose it is true to say that the rapidity and extent of expansion which took place in the United States in the last half of the 19th century has been unequalled in the world's history. This expansion arose from European immigration into the prairies of the Western States. The persons forming that great movement were for the most part those with little or no capital, and yet, as we know, they achieved results which were in the aggregate amazing. This great unprecedented expansion in the United States of America was achieved by poor men, who had to acquire a knowledge of the methods of a land which was new to them, as they went along. I will submit that with the large migration of United States farmers (last year 50,000 of them came to Canada), men with capital, who have developed a country precisely similar to the one they are adopting. flocking into the North-West in ever-increasing numbers, together with the immigration from

Europe, it seems reasonable to hope that we are about to experience an expansion of population and industry in Canada such as shall eclipse even the wonderful progress that has been made in the United States of America.

How fortunate it is that Canada should be so rapidly developing as a great food-supplying country, in view of the probable trend of events in the United States, will, I think, be at once conceded. The population of the United States of America is increasing at the rate of 4,000 daily. It is officially estimated that by 1931 there will be 130,000,000 of people in the Republic. To grow the quantity of produce necessary to sustain this population will require 153,000,000 additional acres under cultivation, and there are, it is estimated, only 108,000,000 acres so available. Moreover, it is very questionable if these can be brought into profitable cultivation in competition with the lands of the Canadian North-West.

In passing it may be well to refer very briefly to the migration of the Western American farmer to Canada. It is a movement which has been encouraged and promoted by the Government of Canada. The American agriculturist is able to sell his farm in the United States of America for from 25 dols. to 125 dols. per acre, and by re-investing in Canada at from 6 dols. an acre upwards is able the better to provide for his family. The preponderating opinion in Canada regarding the matter is extremely optimistic. It is urged that the American is settling in a land where the opportunities for improving his material position are superior to those he has left behind, and this in itself will make powerfully for contentment. While the people of the Republic do not admit that British laws are any better than their own, they do admit the pure judiciary and the firm administration and enforcement of the law in the Dominion. Canadians proudly claim that when the settler from the south crosses the international boundary he leaves behind the revolver. It may well be that the purity of the Canadian judiciary will be the strongest factor making for the continuance of British prestige in North America. It is certain that migration from the United States of America to Canada is bound to continue and expand.

You will readily admit that it is only natural that immigration should be a question of the greatest importance to Canada. Canadians feel that their millions of acres of fertile land now occupied must be settled upon

and cultivated, in order to bring about that degree of development which is so confidently looked forward to. You will, no doubt, admit with equal readiness that emigration to the Colonies ought to be a question of the first importance in Great Britain. In the past the surplus population of this country has gone abroad without an effort to divert it to British territory. This state of things has, however, been remedied, and the British emigrant is now provided with reliable and full information in a way that leaves little to be desired.

In 1874, Lord Randolph Churchill, in an election address to the constituency of Woodstock, said:

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"The Colonial Empire of Great Britain, offering as it does, a field of development for the latent energy and labour of the sons of our overburdened island will continually demand the attention of the Legislature. I would support all efforts which would tend to facilitate the means of emigration, and would at the same time strengthen and consolidate the ties which unite the Colonies with the Mother Country."

It would have been extremely interesting to know how far Lord Randolph Churchill was prepared to go in order to facilitate the means of emigration. Would he have supported free passages to the Colonies for the unemployed? One of the most pathetic figures on earth is that of the man who is willing to work but cannot find employment. Although such persons may form but a small percentage of the population of the United Kingdom, still in the aggregate the number is considerable.

Within the Empire there is ample demand, at good wages, for every able-bodied citizen. It is tragical that while the fertile prairies of the West are crying out for workers, there should be thousands of unemployed, or only partially employed. Fifty years hence our descendants will scornfully dwell upon our timidity and feebleness in dealing with the problem. It ought to be possible for every such man and his family to procure State defrayed transportation to whatever part of the Empire his labour could be profitably utilised, that he desired to go to. The difficulties of carrying this out would no doubt be considerable, but that they are insurmountable I do not believe. There would, of course, need to be a proper system of selection. Let us hope that we may very soon see some efforts made to, as Lord Randolph Churchill has put it, "facilitate the means of emigration."

In the olden days it was considered that wars and plagues were necessary evils, as they prevented an excess of population. To-day a

decreasing birth-rate is pointing to the time when the retention, as far as possible, of every man, woman, and child, within the Empire, shall be deemed desirable, even at the cost of free passages. Australia, it is well known, has suffered a continuous and somewhat alarming falling off in the birth-rate. England, in a lesser degree, is passing through the same experience. For example, in 1866 the birthrate was 35.8 per thousand; in 1901 it had fallen to 28.5. Realising this, it would seem a wise policy for this country to anticipate events by seriously considering how to “ facilitate the means of emigration," and how to retain, as far as practicable, within the boundaries of the Empire every British man and woman.

In the opinion of those who are well qualified to speak, a regular service between British ports by steamers excelling in speed those which now cross the Atlantic, would constitute an important step in the interests of both Great Britain and Canada. For some twenty years past a proposal for the establishment of a fast line of steamers between England and Canada has been under consideration. The Canadian Government has offered a subsidy up to £150,000 per annum, and the British Govern. ment have in the past been willing to assist. By an agreement made last year between the British Government and the Cunard Steamship Company, it is provided that the company shall construct, if possible, steamers which shall be capable of maintaining a minimum average ocean speed of 24 to 25 knots an hour in moderate weather. The British Government advance the Cunard Company up to £2,600,000 at 2 per cent. The justification for a similar concession in order to procure a service between British ports seems equally strong. The distance between Liverpool and a Canadian port-say Halifax-is 2,465 miles. Therefore, a vessel with a speed of twenty-five knots an hour would make the journey in a little over four days from port to port. From Galway to Halifax is 2,160 miles, and the same vessel could accomplish this journey in a little over three days and a half.

As you all know, the Atlantic passenger traffic has increased by leaps and bounds, and this increase is likely to be at least maintained. A very considerable proportion of these passengers is affected by sea sickness, and it may be fairly assumed that a majority of them would travel by a route which afforded a very considerable curtailment of misery. Then there would be business people to whom time was all important,

and altogether it may be assumed that with such a line of boats as has been indicated, a traffic-passenger and freight-would cross by the Canadian route, such as would, having regard for all the circumstances, be of incalculable value to British interests, and would put our alternative route to the East on a thoroughly satisfactory basis. When this proposed Canadian fast line does become an accomplished fact, let us hope that in each vessel a certain amount of passenger space will be available free to State-selected emigrants who desire to transfer themselves from the congested centres of England to the healthy life of the open prairie.

I have referred, in the earlier portion of my paper, to the growing goodwill which so happily exists between this country and the Dominion. But while this is true, it is also equally true that, in the opinion of leading Canadian statesmen, there are vital matters of high politics which require friendly adjustment. This became manifest in the announcement of the decision of the Alaska Boundary Tribunal last autumn. Canada, as we know, was sorely disappointed thereat; and while, I think, we may hope that the feeling of soreness is passing away, there is no doubt that that decision was responsible for bringing to the fore important questions as between Great Britain and Canada. When a discussion took place in the Canadian House of Commons on the Alaska boundary award, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the Premier of Canada, said :—

"I have often regretted also that we have not in our own hands the treaty-making powers which would enable us to dispose of our own affairs. But in this matter we were dealing with a position that was forced upon us-we have not the treaty-making power. I am sorry to say that the whole correspondence which we have had upon this question since 1899 has not yet been placed before Parliament; I am sorry not only that we have not the treaty-making power, but that we are not in such an independent position that it is in my power to place before Parliament the whole of the correspondence as it passed between the Canadian Government and the British Government. But we shall have that correspondence, and it will be placed before Parliament at the next Session-the whole of it, no matter what protest may come from abroad, we shall have the whole of it, and then this country may know exactly what has taken place, and what share of responsibility must rest upon each of the parties concerned in this matter. But we have no such power, our hands are tied to a large extent owing to the fact of our connection-which has its benefits but which has also its disadvantagesthe fact of our connection with the Mother Country

making us not free agents and obliging us to deal with questions affecting ourselves through the instrumentality of the British Ambassador."

Subsequently, in an interview accorded to Mr. H. W. Lucy, and printed in a London newspaper, Sir Wilfrid Laurier said :—

'The Dominion is unanimous in demanding that a repetition of the Alaska Boundary incident should be rendered impossible, by having ceded to Canada the right of making her own Treaties with Foreign Powers."

The interview goes on as follows:


"I ventured to point out the obvious fact that such condition of affairs is inconsistent with Colonial status, and implies separation. Denying this, Sir Wilfrid explained in detail what was in his mind when, shortly after the promulgation of the judgment in the Alaska Boundary case, he fluttered diplomatic dovecotes by insisting on this new departure. He is careful to point out that it is not absolute power of treaty-making that the Dominion demands. Treaties will still be subject to the veto of the Sovereign, and if such veto be decreed, there is an end of the matter. "But Canada, he insists, must be permitted to arrange the preliminaries of all treaties affecting her trade and territory, leaving to the Sovereign the responsibility of vetoing the proposed arrangement, should he, acting on the advice of his Ministers, think it desirable in the interests of the Empire. Had Canada possessed such power prior to the constitution of the Court on the Alaskan Boundary, the inquiry would never have taken place with the collaboration of the three gentlemen who pleaded the cause of the United States before Lord Alverstone.

under purview of the Court. England, afraid of offending the United States, turned a deaf ear to the plea, leaving her Colonies in the lurch. Much the same thing happened in respect of the boundary of Alaska. As I have said, had we had the power to arrange the preliminaries of inquiry with the United States, we should at once have put our foot down in protest against the appointment of three partisans to serve in the capacity of jurists, and the result of the inquiry would have been very different."


'Sir Wilfrid points out that there is nothing new in his demand. It is merely the resuscitation of an old cry. Twenty-one years ago, when Mr. Blake, now representing an Irish constituency at Westminster, was leader of the Liberal Party in the Dominion Parliament, he moved a resolution embodying the demand made by Sir Wilfrid when news reached Canada that all had been lost in the Court sitting in London. 'Nothing came of it then,' I observed. But something will come of it now, Sir Wilfrid positively affirmed. Canada is mightier, more populous by far than she was in 1888. There are to-day nearly six millions of people who believe with passionate conviction that they have the right to determine the course of matters relating to their commerce and their boundaries. However, we have convincing proof that the existing custom is persistently, fatally hostile to Canadian interests. In 1888 the question arose in connection with the Alabama claims. By the Fenian raid, organised and launched from the United States, Canada suffered more than did America from the depredations of the Alabama. Our Government of that day besought the Imperial Government to insert in the Washington Treaty a claim that would have brought the Canadian claims

It does not appear from Sir Wilfrid Laurier's attitude that it is one Englishmen need be at all alarmed at. So recently as during the Governor-Generalship of Lord Dufferin, a Liberal Minister-Lord Kimberley - advised Lord Dufferin that it was not necessary for him to consult his Ministers except when it suited his purpose to do so. It was about this time when the Hon. Edward Blake, who was Minister of Justice, made a report upon which the Governor-General's instructions were amended. In regard to capital cases clemency was at one time vested in the GovernorGeneral, but this power was taken away and vested in the Executive. From time to time, in a variety of ways, the British Government has been strengthening the powers of the Canadian Government. Recognition has also been accorded the Dominion in the negotiation of all Treaties in which she was concerned. Increased freedom has undoubtedly made for increased goodwill. There is no proposal for separation, as some have attempted to prove, but simply for a reasonable extension of local autonomy. In the light of past experience there is no reason to fear that anything but good will ensue from compliance with every reasonable request from a people of devoted loyalty and friendliness to your own.

A factor which is lending strength to Canada's request for treaty-making power, subject to the King, may be found in a retrospect of British diplomacy as it has affected Canada since 1878. Mr. T. Hodgins, K C., of Toronto, has been putting this very ably before his countrymen. In an article published some time ago in the Contemporary Review, he writes :

"The diplomatic disasters through which Canada has lost some of the best agricultural portions of her original heritage explain why Canadians now look with intense anxiety for the just settlement of the Alaska Boundary controversy; for, as has been said by Sir Charles Dilke in his Problems of Greater Britain,' it is a fact that British diplomacy has cost Canada dear."

In conclusion, I sincerely thank you for the patience with which you have listened to me. I have endeavoured during such odd moments as were at my disposal to deal with a few features of a country where I spent the most joyous years of my life, and if this paper shall have served to arouse any interest in it I shall feel amply repaid.


The CHAIRMAN said that all who had been in Canada would be able to bear out the fact that the author had in no way exaggerated the enormous resources of that vast portion of the British Empire. But, unfortunately, all had not been to Canada, although, if the outline of the future with regard to rapid transit which Mr. Griffith had sketched was carried out, a trip to Canada would soon be little more than a week-end matter. He thought that those who were engaged in public affairs at the heart of the Empire could hardly be expected to perform their duties properly unless they made themselves personally acquainted with such a very closely adjoining portion of the British dominions. There was no doubt whatever about the enormous capacity of Canada in the supply of food for the Empire, and they all admired the artistic and thorough manner in which the author had demolished the pessimistic professor he had referred to. There were croakers everywhere who always decried everything which lay in the future, but the development of the Empire went on and made very short work of such forebodings. He had listened with great interest to the portion of the paper which dealt with emigration. There was no doubt England had been prodigal in past years in the manner in which she had poured out the greatest treasure which any Empire could possess. There had been a constant outflow of her sons and daughters which had been allowed to be diverted to foreign soil. The laissez faire regime of the past was hostile to any. thing like systematic emigration; but that age had passed away, in fact its passing bell was tolled in that very chamber a little while ago by the statesmen of both parties, who met together and discussed the question of cotton-growing within the Empire. It was agreed on all hands that the time of letting things alone had gone by, and it was necessary for all to join hands and take hold of great imperial problems, and bring their intelligence and will to bear on their solution. That was being done, not only by the Canadian Office and by Mr. Griffith personally, but by numerous emigration agencies, which carried out the work of systematic emigration in a surprisingly complete manner. The path of the intending emigrant was smoothed, and his, and, he might say, her way, made easy, for there was a very considerable number of women emigrants going out from the Mother Country. That was a necessity of the day

because although there was a preponderance of women population in Great Britain, there was a com. parative deficiency in the outlying parts of the British dominions. Canada herself was deficient in that respect, and required many thousands of women to provide helpmeets and better-halves for each of the males who was settled in Canada. Good wine needed no bush, and Canada really required no advocacy from anyone, so far as its merits were concerned, but as everybody had not been there it was necessary for those who had a long experience, such as the author, to hold up the attractive picture before the eyes of the public. That Mr. Griffith had done in a very businesslike and excellent way, and he was sure all heartily congratulated him on the paper, which would greatly assist in the work he was doing in keeping before the eyes of the Mother Country and the world the wonderful capacities of the granary of the Empire.

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Mr. JOSEPH WALTON, M.P., thought there was no one who could speak cn such an important subject with greater knowledge and authority than the author. He (the speaker) had had the pleasure of learning something of Canada. In 1890 he leisurely travelled through Canada from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean; he repeated the journey in 1899, and, in the autumn of last year, he had the opportunity of attending the Congress of Chambers of Commerce of the Empire in Canada, and of travelling some 4,000 miles round the maritime provinces. In 1899 he was wonderfully impressed with the marvellous development that had been made in the previous nine years, but last year he was still more profoundly impressed by the still more rapid increase which had taken place in the development of the country and its industrial progress during the four years since his previous visit. He learnt that the commerce of Canada, in the four years ending last year, had increased more than in the preceding 20 years. There was no question as to the accuracy of the statements with regard to the marvellous resources of the great Canadian dependency. It was an object-lesson when one learnt that American farmers, to the number of about 50,000, had so realised the advantages which Canada offered agriculturally, that they had crossed over from the United States and settled themselves on the prairies of Canada. It was certain that on the virgin prairies of Canada, on which wheat could be grown for a generation without putting any manure into the land, that even at the present low prices wheat could be grown in Canada, and sent to this country at a handsome profit; and when one knew that 163 acres of land in the Far West would be transferred to any respectable emigrant over 21 years of age, at a cost of £2 only, be submitted it gave an opportunity to the industrious working men at home who had saved a little money to better themselves, and have a more prosperous future than in almost any other part of the British Empire. He deeply regretted that Canada was in danger of becoming Americanised. He would infinitely rather that the emigrants from this country


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