by the necessities of an exhausting and desolating war, are | speedy final settlement of the unhappy controversies which to be employed against them.

5. That in view of all these public calamities, and to avoid them, recognizing the necessities which control human affairs, as our fathers of the revolution did, it becomes the duty of Congress, before it closes its present session, to provide for the appointment of commissioners to procure an armistice between the contending armies, and restore peace at all events; and who shall be empowered to arrange a compromise to preserve the Union, if possible; but if not, then a peaceful separation of the respective States of the Union, as well such as now claim to have seceded, as others which may by the sovereign will of their citizens also hereafter ordain to secede; and that the said commissioners be solemnly enjoined so to conduct their negotiations as to obtain, if possible, in the future, a happy, harmonious, and perpetual reconstruction of our Union of States.

Mr. MAY moved to suspend the rules so as to consider it at once; which was lost-yeas and nays not ordered.

Second Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress.
IN SENATE.

brought about this unnecessary and injurious civil war, by just and adequate security against the return of the like calamities in times to come; and this House desires to offer the most earnest assurances to the country that they will, in due time, cheerfully co-operate with the Executive and the States for the restoration of the Union, by such explicit and most solemn amendments and provisions of the Constitution as may be found necessary for securing the rights of the several States and sections within the Union under the Constitution.

The resolution giving rise to debate, was laid over.

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN PRESIDENT LINCOLN
AND HON. FERNANDO WOOD.

MR. WOOD TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

1861, December 4-Mr. SAULSBURY offered as well as reliable and truthful, that the Southern States this joint resolution:

Whereas the people of the States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, and Tennessee are in revolt against the constitutional Government and authority of the United States, and have assumed to secede from the Federal Union, and to form an independent government under the name of the Confederate States of America: and whereas the Congress of the United States approving the sentiment expressed by the President, in his annual message, "that the Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed," and believing that kind and fraternal feeling between the people of all the States is indispensable to the maintenance of a happy and prosperous Union, and being willing to manifest such feeling on their part, to the end that peace may be restored to a distracted country, and the Union and Constitution be preserved and maintained, and inviting the co-operation of the people of the aforesaid States in the accomplishment of objects so beneficial to each and all, do resolve as follows:

NEW YORK, December 8, 1862. Hon. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States: DEAR SIR: On the 25th of November last I was advised by an authority, which I deemed likely to be well informed would send Representatives to the next Congress, provided that a full and general amnesty should permit them to do so. No guarantee or terms were asked for other than the amnesty referred to. Deeming this information of great value, if well founded, I communicated it in substance to the Hon. George Opdyke, the mayor of this city, whom I knew to hold confidential relations to members of your Aðministration, and proposing, through him, that if the Gor ernment would permit the correspondence, under its own inspection, I would undertake to procure something definite and positive from persons connected with the so-called Confederate authorities. Mr. Opdyke stated in reply that sereral Senators from New England States were then in this city on their way to Washington, to whom he world at once communicate the proposition, and advise me of the an swer. Knowing that these gentlemen were your friends, and supposing that they would immediately confer with you on their arrival at the capital, and supposing that I should be speedily informed of the result, I have delayed until now making a communication direct to you.

I now learn, however, from Mr. Opdyke this day, that he failed to see these Senators when in New York, and that he had not made the proposition, and that therefore you are

Resolved, &c., That Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, Roger B. Taney, Edward Everett, George M. Dallas, Thomas Ewing, Horace Binney, Reverdy Johnson, John J. Critten-not in possession of it as coming from myself. den, George E. Pugh, and Richard W. Thompson be, and they are hereby, appointed commissioners on the part of Congress, to confer with a like number of commissioners, to be appointed by the States aforesaid, for the preservation

of the Union and the maintenance of the Constitution, and

that they report the result of their said conference to Congress for approval or rejection.

2. That upon the appointment of commissioners, as hereby invited, by said States, and upon the meeting of the joint commission for the purpose of conference as aforesaid, active hostilities shall cease, and be suspended, and shall not be renewed unless said commission shall be unable to agree, or in case of an agreement by them, said agreement shall be rejected either by Congress or by the aforesaid States. It was laid on the table.

Third Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress.
IN SENATE.

As an humble but loyal citizen, deeply impressed with the great necessity of restoring the Union of these States, I ask your immediate attention to this subject. The magnitude of the interests at stake warrant some executive ac tion predicated upon this information, if it be only to ascer tain if it be grounded upon even probable foundation. If it shall prove groundless no harm shall have been dose, provided the inquiry be made, as it can be, without compro mising the Government or injury to the cause in which it there is no estimate too high to place upon its national is now engaged. If, however, it shall prove well founded,

value.

Now, therefore, Mr President, I suggest that gentlemen whose former political and social relations with the leaders of the Southern revolt may be allowed to hold unofficial correspondence with them on this subject-the correspondence to be submitted to you. It may be thus ascertained what, if any, credence may be given to these statements, and also whether a peaceful solution of the present struggle may not be attainable. I am sure nothing that I can say

1862, December 3-Mr. DAVIS offered the fol- can add to your own well known desire to produce this relowing joint resolution:

Resolved, dc., That it be, and is hereby, recommended to all the States to choose as many delegates, severally, as they are entitled to Senators and Representatives in Congress, to meet in convention in Louisville, Kentucky, on the first Monday in April next, to take into consideration the condition of the United States, and the proper means for the restoration of the Union; and that the Legislatures of the several States take such action on this proposition as they may deem fit at the earliest practicable day.

Which was ordered to lie on the table, and be printed.

IN HOUSE.

sult. Your exalted position, the embarrassments and re-
sponsibilities which surround you upon all sides, the bleed-
ing condition of the country, b coming exhausted, not only
in the impoverishment of its best life blood, of i dustrial
production, but in the deterioration and consequent de
struction of our political institutions-all call upon you, as
our chief ruler, to take one step upon the road of peaceful
effort, by which to ascertain whether the time has not ar
rived when other methods than brute fighting may not ac-
complish what military force has failed to do.
In the origin of this struggle, you foresaw, that such a
Your inaugural address delivered near
time would come.
two years ago, pointed with prophetic vision the cert in re
sults of the impending conflict of arms. Your language then
was, "Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight alwars,
and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM offered the following either, you cease fighting, the identical questions ns to terms resolution:

Resolved, That this House docs earnestly desire that the most speedy and effectual measures be taken for restoring peace in America; and that no time may be lost in proposing an immediate cessation of hostilities, in order to the

of intercourse are again upon you." Yon saw that after a bloody and terrible struggle "the still small voice of reg son" would intervene and settle the controversy. You know that since the establishment of Christian civilization I 20 tiation and compromise have, sooner or later, determined every military conquest. It cannot be otherwise here. Las

not the time arrived when, to quote your own language, we guarantees as to the reception of their representatives at should cease fighting," at least long enough to ascertain Washington? The act of sending representatives to Congress whether "the identical questions" about which we began is within itself a full compliance with your own conditions. the fight may not be amicably and honorably adjusted, and If thus represented by their own selected agents, chosen the terms of intercourse" be once more peaceably estab- under the forms and in pursuance of their own local State lished? It is to this end that I now address you-with laws governing such elections, they will compose an inteconfidence in your patriotism, and with no desire to inter-gral portion of the Government, and thus give the assurance fere with your legitimate constitutional prerogatives. I am, with high respect, yours very truly,

FERNANDO WOOD.

MY DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 8th, with the accompa nying note of same date, was received yesterday.

of an "acquiescence and submission" of the very highest and most satisfactory character.

My respectful suggestion was that you should put it in their power to take this course. It would require a simple proclamation of general amnesty, to be qualified, if you please, by such conditions as to render it void in case of non-compliance within a limited period. You have established a precedent for this mode of speaking to those people. Your Emancipation Proclamation told of punishment. Let another be issued, speaking the language of mercy and breathing the spirit of conciliation.

The painful events which have occured since my com

The most important paragraph in the letter, as I consider, is in these words: "On the 26th of November last Imunication of the 8th instant but embolden me to renew was advised by an authority which I deemed likely to be well informed as well as reliable and truthful, that the Southern States would send representatives to the next Congress, provided that a full and general amnesty should permit them to do so. No guarantee or terms were asked for other than the amnesty referred to."

I strongly suspect your information will prove to be groundless; nevertheless, I thank you for communicating it to me. Understanding the phrase in the paragraph above quoted-" the Southern States would send representatives to the next Congress"-to be substantially the same as that "the people of the Southern States would cease resistance, and would reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain the national authority within the limits of such States, under the Constitution of the United States," I Bay that in such case the war would cease on the part of the United States; and that if within a reasonable time "a full and general amnesty" were necessary to such end, it would not be withheld.

I do not think it would be proper now to communicate this, formally or informally, to the people of the Southern States. My belief is that they already know it; and when

they choose, if ever, they can communicate with me une quivocally. Nor do I think it proper now to suspend military operations to try any experiment of negotiation.

I should nevertheless receive, with great pleasure, the exact information you now have, and also such other as you may in any way obtain. Such information might be more valuable before the 1st of January than afterward.

While there is nothing in this letter which I shall dread to see in history, it is, perhaps, better for the present that its existence should not become public. I therefore have to request that you will regard it as confidential. Your obedient servant,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

MR. WOOD TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
NEW YORK, December 17, 1862.

His Excellency ABRAHAM LINCOLN:

MY DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 12th instant was handed to me on the afternoon of the 15th instant by Mr. Wakeman, the postmaster of this city.

Pardon me, Mr. President, when I say that your reply has filled me with profound regret. It declines what I had conceived to be an innocent effort to ascertain the foundation for information in my possession of a desire in the South to return to the Union It thus appears to be an indication on your part to continue a policy which, in my judgment, is not only unwise, but, in the opinion of many, is in conflict with the constitutional authority vested in the Federal Government.

I think, however, that my proposition is in keeping with your own expressed conditions upon which the war shall cease. You say that "when the people of the southern States would cease resistance, and would reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain the national authority within the limits of such States under the Constitution of the United States, that in such case the war would cease on the part of the United States."

its suggestions. I hope you will now no longer refuse " to
suspend military operations to try an experiment of ne
gotiation." I feel that military operations so bloody and
exhausting as ours must sooner or later be suspended.
The day of suspension must come. The only question is,
whether it shall be before the whole American people,
whether it shall be whilst there is remaining sufficient of
North and South, shall be involved in general ruin, or
the recuperative element of life by which to restore our
once happy, prosperous, and peaceful American Union.
In compliance with your request that your letter shall
not for the present become public, I shall withhold its pub-
lication at this time.

With high regard, yours, &c.,

FERNANDO WOOD.

2. That if the people of America would save and restore their shattered Constitution and avert from themselves and their posterity the slavery of a military despotism and of a public debt, the interest upon which all the avails of their labor and economy will never meet, they must bring this war to a speedy close.

3. That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized to propose a cessation of arms and an amnesty to the anthorities of the Confederate States of America, with a view to a convention of the people of all the States to reconstruct their Union; and if that cannot be effected, then that said convention agree upon the terms of a separation of the States without the further effusion of blood, and of a lasting peace among them.

IN HOUSE.

1863, Dec. 14-Mr. FERNANDO WOOD offered this resolution:

Whereas the President, in his message delivered to this House on the 9th instant, and in his recommendation to the people to assemble at their places of worship and give thanks to God for recent victories, claims that the Union cause has gained important and substantial advantages; and whereas, in view of these triumphs, it is no longer beAdmitting this position as correct, you will see that as a neath our dignity nor dangerous to our safety to evince a condition precedent to such submission the opportunity to generous magnanimity becoming a great and powerful peodo so must be afforded. It cannot be expected that the ple, by offering to the insurgents an opportunity to return southern people will cease resistance, so long as we pro-to the Union without imposing upon them degrading or claim our intention to destroy their local institutions, their destructive conditions: Therefore, property, and their lives, and accompany the declaration with corresponding legislative, executive, social, and political action. They cannot cease resistance, and reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain the Federal authority, if we will not let them alone long enough to do so. If they really desire acquiescence, and are willing to send delegates to the next Congress, as I am advised, how can they do so without the opportunity, and without some intimations or

Resolved, That the President be requested to appoint three commissioners, who shall be empowered to open negotiations with the authorities at Richmond, to the end that this bloody, destructive, and inhuman war shall cease, and the Union be restored upon terms of equity, fraternity, and equality, under the Constitution.

Mr. ELLIHU B. WASHBURNE moved that the

resolution lie on the table, which was agreed | Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Norton, Odell, to-yeas 98, nays 59, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Arnold,
Daily, Augustus C. Baldwin, John D. Baldwin, Baxter,
Blaine, Jacob B. Blair, Blow, Boutwell, Brandegee, Brooks,
Broomall, James S. Brown, Wm. G. Brown, Cobb, Coffroth,
Cole, Cox, Cravens, Creswell, Thomas T. Davis, Dawes, Dem-
ing, Denison, Dixon, Eliot, Fenton, Finck, Frank, Garfield,
Gooch. Grider, Grinnell, Griswold, Hale, Harrington, Her-
rick, Higby, Holman. Hooper, John H. Hubbard, Hulburd,
Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Kernan, King,
Lazear, Loan, Longyear, Lovejoy, Marvin, McBride,
McClurg, Middleton, Wm. H. Miller, Morrill, Daniel Morris,
Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Noble, Norton, Odell, Charles
O'Neill, Orth, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, Pruyn, Samuel J. Ran-ities, producing as it does, spoliation, bloodshed, anarchy,
dall, William H. Randall, John II. Rice, Rogers, Scofield,
Sloan. Smith, Smithers, Spalding, Stebbins, John B. Steele,
Wm. G. Steele, Stevens, Strouse, Sweat, Thayer, Tracy, Up-
son, Van Valkenburgh, Elihu B. Washburne, William B.
Washburn, Webster, Joseph W. White, Williams, Wilson,
Windom, Woodbridge, Yeaman-102.
NAYS-None.

Jan. 18-Mr. DAWSON, of Pennsylvania, offered the following preamble and resolution: Whereas a great civil war like that which now afflicts the United States is the most grievous of all national calampublic debt, official corruption, and private immorality, the American Government cannot rightfully wage such a war upon any portion of its people, except for the sole purpose of vindicating the Constitution and laws and restoring both to their just supremacy; and whereas this House, on the 22d day of July, 1861, speaking in the name of the American people and in the face of the world, solemnly and truly declared that it was waged for no purpose of conquest or

January 7--Mr. ROGERS offered these reso- oppression, but solely to restore the Union, with all the

Pike, Pomeroy, Price, Radford, William H. Randall, John
H. Rice, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Sloan, Smithers,
Spalding, Starr, Stebbins, John B. Steele, Stevens, Thayer,
Thomas, Tracy, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, Wadsworth,
Ellibhu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Whaley,
Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Winfield, Woodbridge

Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, Francis P. Blair, jr., | Leonard Myers, Nelson, Norton, Charles O'Neill, Perham, Jacob B. Blair, Boutwell, Brandegee, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Cole, Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Davis, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Driggs, Eckley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Garfield, Gooch, Higby, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, Hulburd, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Longyear, Lovejoy, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, Mc-|-96. Indoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Pike, Price, William H. Randall, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Smith, Smithers, Spalding, Stevens, Thayer, Thomas, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, Ellihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Whaley, Williams, Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge-79.

May 30-Mr. LAZEAR asked consent to offer this resolution:

Whereas the fratricidal war which has for the last three years filled every neighborhood of our once united and happy country with mourning, and has drenched a hundred battlefields with the blood of our fellow-citizens, and laid waste many of the fairest portions of the land, and yet has failed to restore the authority of the Federal Government in the seceded States; and whereas we believe a misapprehension exists in the minds of a large portion of the people of the South as to the feelings which actuate a large portion of the people of the free States, and which misapprehension we are called upon by every consideration of humanity and a sense of justice to correct and if possible remove, whether we regard in making this effort what we owe to ourselves, to our fellow-countrymen of the South, or to the world: Therefore, Resolved, That no truly loyal citizen of the United States desires the application of any rule or law in determining the February 29-Mr. LONG, of Ohio, offered this rights and privileges and the measure of responsibility of preamble and resolution:

NAYS-Messrs. James C. Allen, Ancona, Augustus C. Baldwin, Bliss, Brooks, James S. Brown, William G. Brown, Chanler, Coffroth, Cox, Dawson, Denison, Eden, Edgerton, Eldridge, English, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Griswold, Hale, Hall, Harding, Harrington, Benjamin G. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Hutchins, William Johnson, Kernan, Lazear, Le Blond, Long, Marcy, McAllister, McDowell, Mc Kinney, Middleton, William H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, Pendleton, Robinson, Ross, John B. Steele, Stiles, Stuart, Sweat, Voorhees, Wm. H. Wadsworth, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White, Fernando Wood, Yeaman-56.

46

Whereas history teaches that there never has been a civil war that was not settled in the end by compromise, and inasmuch as no possible harm can result either to the character or dignity of the United States from an honest effort to stop the effusion of fraternal blood, and restore the Union by the return of the States in rebellion to their allegiance under the Constitution; and whereas the President, with a full knowledge of the lessons taught by history in relation to all civil wars, in his inaugural address said, 'suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you;" and whereas we now have an armistice, decreed by the Almighty, and executed for the past two months by the snows and ice of winter, thereby affording time and opportunity for reflection upon the past three years of horrible, relentless, and destructive civil war with all its calamities, and a prospective view of increased horrors in the approaching conflicts; and whereas a preamble and resolutions were, on the 7th of February, instant, introduced in the House of Representatives of the Confederate Congress at Richmond denying the statement of the President of the United States "that no propositions for peace had been made to the United States by the Confederate States," and affirming that such propositions were prevented from being made by the President of the United States, in that he had refused to hear, or even to receive, two commissioners appointed to treat expressly for peace: Therefore, be it

Resolved, That the President be, and he is hereby, most earnestly, but respectfully, requested to appoint Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire; Millard Fillmore, of New York; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, and such other persons as the Pres. ident may see proper to select, as commissioners on behalf of the United States, who shall be empowered to meet a commission of like number when appointed for the same object on behalf of the Confederate States, at such time and place as may be agreed upon, for the purpose of ascertaining, before the renewal of hostilities shall have again commenced, whether the war shall not now cease, and the Union be restored by the return of all the States to the allegiance and their rights under the Constitution.

the people of any of the States but such as shall have been determined by the Supreme Court to be in accordance with and sanctioned by the Constitution and well-established usages of the country.

2. That the President, in his capacity of Commander-inChief of the Army and Navy of the United States, be, and he is hereby, required to adopt such measures as he may think best, with a view to a suspension of hostilities between the armies of the North and the South for a period not exceeding - days; and that he be also authorized to adopt or agree upon some plan by which the decision of the great body of the people North and South may be secured upon the question of calling a convention composed of delegates from all the States, to which shall be referred the settlement of all questions now dividing the southern States from the rest of the Union, with a view to the restoration of the sereral States to the places they were intended to occupy in the Union, and the privileges intended to be granted to them by the framers of our national Constitution, who were in our opinion the most enlightened statesmen and purest patriots that ever lived, and than whom we cannot hope to find wiser or better counsellors in the present exigency in our national affairs.

Objection was made.

June 30-Pending the consideration of the Enrollment Bill, the following amendment was offered by Mr. LE BLOND, of Ohio:

Provided, That no levy of troops shall be made under the provisions of this act, except by volunteering, till such time

as the President of the United States shall have made a re quest for an armistice; and shall have made such efforts as are consistent with honor to restore harmony among the States, by the appointment of commissioners empowered to negotiate for peace upon the terms of a restoration of the Union under the Constitution, and until such offer shail have been rejected by the so-called Confederate govern

ment.

Which was rejected-yeas 13, nays 91, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Ancona, Bliss, Edgerton, Eldridge, Finck, O'Neill, Pendleton, Ross, Chillon A. White-13.

Which was disagreed to-yeas 22, nays 96, William Johnson, Long, James R. Morris, Noble, John

as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. James C. Allen, Ancona, Brooks, Coffroth, Denison, Eden, Eldridge, Finck, Knapp, Long, McDowell, Wm. H. Miller, Morrison, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Samuel J. Randall, Rogers, Ross, Stiles, Strouse, Voorhees, Chilton A. White-22.

NAYS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Arnold, Ashley, Augustus C. Bildwin, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Jacob B. Blair, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, Brandegee, William G. Brown, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Cobb, Cole, Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Ganson, Garfield, Grinnell, Griswold, Hale, Higby, Holman, Hooper, Hotchkiss, John H. Hubbard, Hutchins, Jenckes, Julian, Kelley, Orlando Kellogg, Kernan, King, Loan, Lovejoy, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, McIndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers,

NAYS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Ashley, Baily, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Jacob B. Blair, Boutwell, Broomall, J. S. Brown, W. G. Brown, Cobb, Cole, Creswell, Dawes, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eliot, English, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Ganson, Garfield, Gooch. Griswold, Hale, Harding, Higby, Hooper, Hotchkiss, A. W. Hubbard, Hul burd, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Julian, Kallfleisch, Kelley, Kernan, Littlejohn, Loan, Longyear, Mallory, McAllister, McBride, McCurg, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Norton, Odell, Charles O'Neil, Orth, Pat terson, Radford, Randall, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield Shannon, Scan, Smithers, Spalding, Stevens, Stuart, Sweat, Thayer, Thomas, Tracy, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, Wadsworth, Flibu R Washburne, William B. Washburn, Webster, Whaley, Wheeler, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Winfield, Woodbridge-91.