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duct of the war, . . . its treachery to justice, State of New York. The terms of this address freedom, and genuine democratic principles were properly applicable to all the Adminisin its plan of reconstruction, whereby the tration Republicans. It called upon the honor and dignity of the nation have been sacrificed to conciliate the still existing and the Union, who believe that the rebellion can be

citizens of the United States who mean to uphold arrogant slave power and to further the ends

suppressed without infringing the rights of indiof an unscrupulous partisan ambition"; they viduals or of States, who regard the extinction of demanded the immediate extinction of slavery slavery as among the practical effects of the war for throughout the whole United States by con- the Union, and favor an amendment of the Federal gressional action, the absolute equality of all Constitution for the exclusion of slavery, and who men before the law, and a vigorous execution demand integrity and economy in the administraof the laws confiscating the property of the tion of government. rebels. This circular was stronger in its epi

The signers of this call approached the thets than in its signatures; the names of the signers were, as a rule, unknown to fame question from an entirely different point of

. view from of One column was headed by the name of the Rev. George B. Cheever, another by the ap- of being a craven and a laggard, was going

St. Louis. In their view Mr. Lincoln, instead parently farcical signature of “Pantaleon Candidus.” Perhaps the most important name

entirely too fast and too far. Their favorite

candidate was General Grant. Mr. Wendell affixed to this document was that of Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who wrote desiring to disturbances, found enjoyment even in this

Phillips, the stormy petrel of all our political sign her name to the call,“ taking it for granted,” she said, “ that you use “men' in its largest teapot tempest. He strongly approved the sense.” She informed the committee that they beforehand a brief platform for it.

convention at Cleveland, and constructed had “ lifted politics into the sphere of morals and religion, and made it the duty of all Subdue the South as rapidly as possible. The true men and women to unite with them in moment territory comes under our flag reconstruct building up the New Nation.” She spelled States thus : confiscate and divide the lands of “new nation” with capital letters, and gave rebels; extend the right of suffrage broadly as posoccasion for a malicious accusation that her sible to whites and blacks ; let the Federal Constituletter was merely an advertisement of a radical forbid the states to make any distinction among

tion prohibit slavery throughout the Union, and Frémont paper of that name which was then their citizens on account of color or race. 1 leading a precarious existence in New York. Mr. Samuel Bowles inferred from her letter He also advised the nomination “ for the that the convention was to be composed of Presidency of a statesman and a patriot”; by “the gentler sex of both genders.”

which terms he intended to exclude Mr. LinAnother call was issued by the People's coln. Committee of St. Louis, though signed by The convention might have met, deliberindividuals from several other States. These ated, and adjourned for all the people of the gentlemen felt themselves

United States cared about it, had it not been impelled on their own responsibility to declare to for the violent and enthusiastic admiration it the people that the time had come for all independent excited in Democratic newspapers and the wide men, jealous of their liberties and of the national publicity they gave to its proceedings. They greatness, to confer together and unite to resist the described it as a gathering of the utmost digswelling invasion of an open, shameless, and unre- nity and importance; they pretended to disstrained patronage which threatens to engulf under cern in it a distinct line of cleavage through its destructive wave the rights of the people, the the middle of the Republican party. For sev. liberty and dignity of the nation;

eral days before it assembled they published declaring that they did not recognize in the imaginary dispatches from Cleveland repreBaltimore convention the essential conditions of senting the streets and hotels as crowded with a truly national convention: it was to be held, a throng of earnest patriots determined on the they thought, too near Washington and too far destruction of the tyrant Lincoln. The papers from the center of the country, its mode of of Cleveland tell another story. There was no convocation giving no guarantee of wise or sign of political upheaval in the streets or honest deliberation. This circular was signed hotels of that beautiful and thriving city. Up by B. Gratz Brown of Missouri and by a num- to the very day of the meeting of the convenber of old-time abolitionists in the East, though tion there was no place provided for it, and its principal signers were from the ranks of when the first stragglers began to arrive they the most vehement German radicals of St. found no preparation made to receive them. Louis. Still another call was drawn up and All the public halls of any consequence were issued by Lucius Robinson, Controller of the

1 Phillips to Stallo, April 21.

engaged, and the convention at last took shelter before the convention met and assuring him in a small room called “ Chapin's Hall.” Its of his continued friendship. A delegate from utmost capacity was five or six hundred per- Iowa, who seemed to have taken the convensons, and it was much too large for the con- tion seriously, then offered a resolution that no vention; delegates and spectators together member of it should hold, or apply for, office were never numerous enough to fill it. The under the next Administration - a proposition delegates were for the most part Germans from which was incontinently smothered. While St. Louis. They held a preliminary ineeting waiting for the report of the committee on the the night before the convention opened, and platform, speeches were made by several delepassed vigorous and loyal resolutions of the gates. Mr. Plumb attacked Mr. Lincoln as a usual character. To the resolution that the pro-slavery politician. Colonel Moss of Misrebellion must be put down, some one moved souri denounced him as the principal obstacle to amend by adding the words, “ with God's to freedom in America. A debate now arose assistance,” which was voted down with bois- on the proposition of the committee on rules terous demonstrations. Non tali auxilio was the that in voting for President the vote should sentiment of these materialist Missourians. be by States according to their representation

The convention met at 10 o'clock in a hall in Congress. This was in the interest of the only half filled. Hoping for later arrivals, they Grant delegates and was violently opposed by delayed organization until nearly noon. The the Missourians, who formed a large majority leaders who had been expected to give char- of the convention, and had come for no puracter and direction to the movement did not pose but to nominate Frémont. In the course appear. It was hoped until the last moment of this debate the somewhat dreary proceedings that Mr. Greeley would be present, though he were enlivened by a comic incident. A midhad never given any authority for such an ex- dle-aged man, who gave his name as Carr, pectation. He said, in answer to an inquiry, addressed the chair, saying that he had come that “the only convention he took any interest from Illinois as a delegate under the last call in was that one Grant was holding before and did not want to be favored“ a single mite." Richmond.” Mr. Gratz Brown, the real head His ideas not flowing readily, he repeated this of the movement, was also absent. Emil Pre- declaration three times in a voice continually torius and Mr. Cheever, who, from the two ex- rising in shrillness with his excitement. Sometremities of the country, had talked most loudly thing in his tone stirred the risibles of the in favor of the convention, staid away. The convention, and loud laughter saluted the only persons present whose names were at all Illinoisan. As soon as he could make himself known were General John Cochrane of New heard he cried out, “ These are solemn times.” York; Colonel Moss, a noisy politician from This statement was greeted with another laugh, Missouri; Caspar Butz of Illinois; two or three and the delegate now shouted at the top of of the old-school abolitionists; and several (not his voice, “I believe there is a God who holds the weightiest) members of the staff of General the universe in his hands as you would hold Frémont. The delegates from the German an egg.” This comprehensive scheme of theocWorkingmen's Union of Chicago were dis- racy was too much for the Missouri agnoscredited in advance by the publication of a tics, and the convention broke out in a tumult card from the majority of the association they of jeers and roars. The rural delegate, amazed pretended to represent, declaring their inten- at the reception of his confession of faith, and tion to support the nominees of the Baltimore apparently in doubt whether he had not stumconvention. Some one moved, as usual, the bled by accident into a lunatic asylum, paused, appointment of a committee on credentials; and asked the chairman in a tone of great but as no one had any valid credentials, it was seriousness whether he believed in a God. The resolved instead to appoint a committee to wildest merriment now took possession of the enroll the names of the delegates. No action assembly, in the midst of which the Illinois was taken even upon this proposition, because theist solemnly marched down the aisle and the act of enrollment would have been too fatal out of the house, shaking from his feet the a confession of weakness. The committee on dust of that unbelieving convention. As soon organization reported the name of General as the laughing died away the committee on Cochrane for president of the convention, who resolutions reported a set of judicious and, made a discreet and moderate speech. He was on the whole, undeniable propositions, such as, a man of too much native amiability of char- the Union must and shall be preserved, the acter to feel personal bitterness towards any constitutional laws of the United States must one, and too adroit and experienced a poli- be obeyed, the rebellion must be suppressed by tician to commit himself irrevocably against force of arms and without compromise. The any contingency. He had, in fact, thrown an platform did not greatly differ from that of anchor to windward by visiting the President Baltimore, except that it spoke in favor of one



Presidential term, declared that to Congress hope of the people throughout the country instead of the President belonged the question rested upon General Grant as a candidate. of reconstruction, and advocated the confisca- Although Mr. Colvin supplemented the readtion of the property of the rebels and its distri- ing of this letter by promising a majority of one bution among the soldiers.

hundred thousand for Grant in the State of The platform was adopted after brief debate, New York, the Missourians cheered only and a letter from Mr. Wendell Phillips was the louder for Frémont; and when a last effort read to the convention, full of the vehement was made by Mr. Demers of Albany to nomiunreason which distinguished all the attempts nate Grant, he was promptly denounced as a of this matchless orator to apply his mind to Lincoln hireling. Colonel Moss, in the unithe practical affairs of life. He predicted the form of a general of the Missouri militia, direst results from four more years of Lincoln's arose and put a stop to the profitless discussion administration.

by moving in a stentorian voice the nominaUnless the South is recognized (which he appar

tion of General Frémont by acclamation, which ently thought not improbable under Lincoln's nerve- was at once done; and the assembly completed less policy ), the war will continue; the taxation its work by placing John Cochrane on the needed to sustain our immense debt, doubled by ticket as its candidate for Vice-President. No that time, will grind the laboring man of the North one present seemed to have any recollection down to the level of the pauper labor of Europe; of the provision of the Constitution which forand we shall have a government accustomed to des- bids both of these officers being taken from the potic power for eight years—a fearful peril to demo

same State. cratic institutions.

The convention met again in the evening He denounced Mr. Lincoln's plan of recon- and listened to dispirited and discouraging struction, and drew this comical parallel be- speeches of ratification. The committee aptween him and Frémont :

pointed in the afternoon to give a name to the The Administration, therefore, I regard as a civil new party brought in that of the “Radical and militury failure, and its avowed počicy ruinous Democracy,” and in this style it was formally to the Norih in every point of view. Mr. Lincoln christened. An executive committee was apmay wish the end peace and freedom, but he is pointed, of men destitute of executive capacity, wholly unwilling to use the means which can secure and the convention adjourned. that end. If Mr. Lincoln is reëlected I do not expect Its work met with no response from the to see the Union reconstructed in my day, unless on terms more disastrous to liberty than even dis country. On the day of its meeting the Gerunion would be. If I turn to General Frémont, I see

man press of Cleveland expressed its profound a man whose first act was to use the freedom of the disappointment at the smallness and insignifinegro as his weapon; I see one whose thorough cance of the gathering, and with a few unimloyalty to democratic institutions, without regard portant exceptions the newspapers of the counto race, whose earnest and decisive character, whose try greeted the work of the convention with clear-sighted statesmanship and rare military ability, an unbroken chorus of ridicule. Its absurdities justify my confidence that in his hands all will be and inconsistencies were indeed too glaring done to save the state that foresight, skill, decision, for serious consideration. Its movers had and statesmanship can do.

denounced the Baltimore convention as being With characteristic reliance on his own free- held too early for an expression of the deliberate dom from prejudice, he continued:

judgment of the people, and now they had

made their own nominations a week earlier; This is an hour of such peril to the Republic that they had claimed that Baltimore was not suffiI think men should surrender all party and personal partiality, and support any man able and willing ciently central in situation, and they had held to save the state.

their convention on the northern frontier of

the country; they had claimed that the BaltiThis was, in fact, the attitude of mind of the more delegates were not properly elected, and vast majority of the people of the country; but they had assumed to make nominations by all it meant in Mr. Phillips's case was that he delegates not elected at all; they had denounced was willing to vote for either Frémont or But- the Baltimore convention as a close corporaler to defeat Lincoln.

tion and invited the people to assemble in mass, A feeble attempt was now made by the dele- and when they came together they were so few gates from New York, who called themselves they never dared to count themselves; they “War Democrats,” to induce the convention had pretended to desire a stronger candidate to nominate General Grant. Mr. Colvin read than Mr. Lincoln, and had selected the most a letter from Mr. Lucius Robinson of New conspicuous failure of the war; they clamored York -afterwards governor of that State —at- loudly against corruption in office, and one of tacking the errors and blunders “ of the weak the leading personages in the convention was Executive and Cabinet,” and claiming that the a member of Frémont's staff who had been dismissed the service for dishonesty in Gov- personal liberty and the liberty of the press, and, as a ernment contracts.

crowning shame, by its abandonment of the right The whole proceeding, though it excited of asylum. some indignation among the friends of Mr.

The feebleness and want of principle of the Lincoln, was regarded by the President him- Administration, its incapacity and selfishness, self only with amusement. On the morning were roundly denounced by General Frémont, after the convention a friend, giving him an but he repudiated the cry of the Cleveland account of it, said that, instead of the many convention for confiscating the property of thousands who had been expected, there were rebels. In conclusion he said: present at no time more than four hundred men. The President, struck by the number

If the convention at Baltimore will nominate any mentioned, reached for the Bible which com- man whose past life justifies a well-grounded conmonly lay on his desk, and after a moment's there is no reason why there should be any division

fidence in his fidelity to our cardinal principles, search, read these words:

among the really patriotic men of the country. To And every one that was in distress, and every one any such I shall be most happy to give a cordial that was in debt, and every one that was discon- and active support. .. But if Mr. Lincoln tented, gathered themselves unto him; and he be- should be nominated - as I believe it would be fatal came a captain over them: and there were with to the country to indorse a policy and renew a power him about four hundred men.1

which has cost us the lives of thousands of men,

and needlessly put the country on the road to bankIt was only among the Democratic papers ruptcy- there will remain no other alternative but to that the Cleveland convention met with any organize against him every element of conscientious support or applause. They gave it solemn and opposition with the view to prevent the misfortune unmeasured eulogies for its independence, its of his reëlection. patriotism, its sagacity, and even its numbers. The Copperhead papers in New York urged informed the committee that he had resigned

He therefore accepted the nomination, and the radicals not to give up their attitude of uncompromising hostility to Lincoln, and pre

his commission in the army. General Cochrane dicted a formidable schism in the Republican accepted in briefer and more judicious lanparty as a consequence of their action. But the guage, holding the same views as his chief on motive of this support was so evident that it the subject of confiscation. Later in the sumdeceived nobody; and it was compared by a that there was positively no response in the

mer some of the partisans of Frémont, seeing sarcastic observer to the conduct of the Spanish urchins accompanying a condemned Jew to country to his candidacy, wrote to him sugan auto-da-, and shouting, in the fear that gesting that the candidates nominated at Clevehe might recant and rob them of their holiday, the field entirely free for a united effort for “ a

land and Baltimore should withdraw, and leave “Stand fast, Moses.” The ticket of the two New Yorkers met with a gust of ridicule which new. convention which should represent the would have destroyed more robust chances than patriotism of all parties.” They asked him theirs. “The New York Major-General John he would do so.3 Although the contingency

whether in case Mr. Lincoln would withdraw C. and the New York Brigadier-General John referred to was more than sufficiently remote, C.” formed a matched ticket fated to laughter. General Frémont with unbroken dignity refused But if no one else took them seriously, the

to accede to this proposition. two generals at least saw in the circumstances no occasion for smiling. General Frémont Having now definitely accepted the Cleveland promptly accepted his nomination. He said: nomination (he said], I have not the right to act inIn respect to Mr. Lincoln (he said] I continue to much credit for his efficiency and a considerahold exactly the sentiments contained in my letter ble sum of money as his share of the prize. He of acceptance. I consider that his administration went to New York immediately afterwards has been politically, militarily, and financially a and purchased a Spanish newspaper which was failure, and that its necessary continuance is a cause of regret for the country. There never was a greater published there; but after his departure from unanimity in a country than was exhibited here at Cuba it was ascertained that in beginning so exthe fall of Sumter, and the South was powerless in pensive a business in New York he did not rely the face of it; but Mr. Lincoln completely paralyzed exclusively upon the money he had received this generous feeling. He destroyed the strength of from the Government, but that in concert with the position and divided the North when he declared a curate of Colon he had sold one hundred to the South that slavery should be protected. He and forty-one of the recaptured Africans, had has built up for the South a strength which otherwise they could have never attained, and this has put the money in his own pocket, and had given them an advocate on the Chicago platform. officially reported them as having died of small

dependently of the truly patriotic and earnest party This is not an ordinary election. It is a contest who conferred that honor upon me. ... It might, for the right even to have candidates, and not merely, beside, have only the effect still further to unsettle the as usual, for the choice among them. .. The public mind and defeat the object you have in view ordinary rights secured under the Constitution and if we should disorganize before first proceeding to the laws of the country have been violated, and ex- organize something better.4 traordinary powers have been usurped by the Executive. It is directly before the people now to say But a month later 5 he seemed to have rewhether or not the principles established by the garded the public mind as beyond the risk of Revolution are worth maintaining. ... To-day we have in the country the abuses of a military unsettling, and he then wrote to his committee, dictation without its unity of action and vigor of withdrawing his name from the list of candiexecution—an Administration marked at home by dates. He could not, however, withhold a disregard of constitutional rights, by its violation of parting demonstration against the President.

2 June 4, 1864.
5 September 21.

3 August 20.

1 This, it will be remembered, was several years in advance of the famous reference to the Cave of Adul. lam in the British Parliament.

4 August 25.

pox. The Cuban Government laid these facts With a final denunciation of the leading men before the State Department at Washington, whose reticence had" established for Mr. Lin- and represented that the return of this miscreant coln a character among the people which leaves to Cuba was necessary to secure the liberation now no choice,” General Frémont at last sub- of the unfortunate victims of his cruelty and sided into silence. General Cochrane on the greed. It was impossible to bring the matter same day withdrew his name from the Cleve- before the courts, as no extradition treaty exland ticket, which had already passed into swift isted at that period between Spain and the oblivion. His letter had none of the asperity United States, and the American authorities which characterized that of his chief

. He could not by any legal procedure take cognigenially attacked the Chicago resolutions, and, zance of the crime. The President and Mr. while regretting the omissions of the Balti- Seward at once assumed the responsibility of more platform, he approved it in substance.

acting in the only way indicated by the laws We stand within view [he said) of a rebellion of common humanity and international courtsuppressed, within hail of a country reunited and esy. Arguelles was arrested in New York by saved. War lifts the curtain and discloses the pros- the United States marshal, put in charge of a pect. War has given to us Atlanta, and war offers Spanish officer commissioned for the purpose, to us Richmond.

Peace and division, or war and by him taken to Havana. The action of and the Union. Other alternative there is none.

the Government was furiously attacked by all Two incidents which occurred in the spring the pro-slavery organs. A resolution was inof 1864 caused unusual excitement among troduced by Mr. Johnson in the Senate deboth wings of the opposition to Mr. Lincoln. manding an explanation of the circumstances.1 The one was the delivery of Arguelles to the Mr. Seward answered,2 basing the action of Spanish authorities; the other was the seiz- the Government upon the stipulations of the ure of two New York newspapers for publish- ninth article of the treaty of 1842 with Great ing a forged proclamation. It was altogether Britain, by which the two countries agreed to natural that the pro-slavery Democrats and use all the measures in their power to close the peace men should have objected to these market for slaves throughout the world, and acts, as one of the injured parties was a slave added : trader, and the others opponents of the war; but it was not the least of the absurdities of ing the expediency of exercising.comity towards a

Although there is a conflict of authorities concernthe Cleveland protestants that they also, in foreign government by surrendering, at its request, their anxiety to find a weapon against the one of its own subjects charged with the commisPresident, at the very moment that they were sion of crime within its territory, and although it assailing him for not overriding all law and may be conceded that there is no obligation to make precedent in obedience to their demand, still such a surrender upon a demand therefor, unless it belabored him for these instances of energetic is acknowledged by treaty or by statute law, yet a action in the very direction in which they

nation is never bound to furnish asylum to dangerdemanded that he should proceed.

ous criminals who are offenders against the human

race; and it is believed that if in any case the comity The case of Arguelles was a perfectly clear could with propriety be practiced, the one which is one; and if the surrender of a criminal is ever understood to have called forth the resolution furjustified as an exercise of international comity nished a just occasion for its exercise. in the absence of treaty stipulations, no objections could reasonably be made in this instance.

The Captain-General of Cuba, on the arrival He was a colonel in the Spanish army and of Arguelles, sent his thanks to Mr. Seward 3 lieutenant-governor of the district of Colon in Cuba. He had captured a cargo of African

Congressional Globe,” May 26, 1864.

2 May 30, 1864. slaves in his official capacity, and had received 3 McPherson, “ History of the Rebellion," p. 355.

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