Puslapio vaizdai
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fought over again, the people being suddenly thrown back to the beginning of the conflict in 1855. Though the method of attack was different, it was not less dangerous. Yet the Kansans had no notion of giving up the contest. The task which the World-Spirit has imposed upon them is still unfinished; they have to vindicate their Free-State against all the power open and hidden, which slavery, though it be in authority, can summon against them. Kansas continues to be the protagonist of the new Union as producing Free-States only. The result is, she will again have to suffer.

The historic process underlying the occurrences of this year (1857-8) will, therefore, be the same as before. We shall again see the irritation coming from Washington under the new Administration; then the suffering and resistance of Kansas; finally the People of the North responding sympathetically, and ruminating upon the rising crisis.

Washington.

The first year and some months of Buchanan's Administration are still occupied with Kansas, whose troubles and duties do not end with the Presidential election or with the Dred Scott decision. The pro-slavery party centering at Washington evolves a new insidious scheme for making Kansas a Slave-State. This scheme is known as the Lecompton Constitution which was to take the place of the Missouri Invasion, the latter having completely failed in its purpose. A day (June 15th, 1857) had been appointed by the Territorial Legislature to elect delegates of a Convention for making a Constitution. The Free-State men refused to participate in this election on account of its unfairness as well as its fraudulent source. Pro-slavery men were of course chosen, and they made a pro-slavery Constitution. This was the instrument which was now to be employed, particularly at Washington to destroy the freedom of Kansas.

There is no doubt that this scheme was first suggested by the success of Robinson's antigovernment with its Topeka Constitution. The present period of Kansas history is, therefore, the battle of the two Constitutions, which repeats in a new form the same old conflict between

the right which is formally illegal and the wrong which is formally legal. Somewhat more than a year, from Buchanan's beginnings till August 2nd, 1858, this war between the two constitutional phantoms lasted, with many fluctuations. Finally the people of Kansas got the chance to vote upon the Lecompton Constitution fairly and legally, when they slew it with such an overwhelming majority that not only it but the whole Kansas strife came to an end. And with this end is coupled another end: Kansas concludes her most important chapter, and her events drop back into the common stream of local history; her contributions to the World's History cease in a decidedly abrupt finale.

Washington, the center of the country, becomes now the center of irritation for the People directly, as well as for Kansas. From the national Capitol goes forth the decision which means the nationalization of slavery. The FolkSoul is not so much stirred to action as to reflection; there is not the incentive of a political contest, but the appeal to the deepest instinct of human nature as well as to reason. The political literature changes; there is an enormous distribution of the decisions of the Supreme Judges, as well as of the Constitution and of the Declaration of Independence. These form the text of the speeches, articles, dissertations of the

time. Not to Will but to Intellect is the word now spoken, as well as to Feeling.

In consequence of the Dred Scott decision, the Southern party takes new hope of making Kansas a Slave-State. Both Houses of Congress are democratic. All the branches of the General Government, executive, legislative, and judicial are in the one party's hands. To be sure, the Northern democrats, even the President, had won their places by holding out the belief that Kansas would be a Free-State, in accord with the wishes of its inhabitants. Hence arose an ominous division: the Southerners formed an inner circle, a party to control the party, of which Jefferson Davis, now a Senator from Mississippi, was the leading spirit. In this way was laid the foundation for a division in the governing party, indeed for several divisions, since each divison will again divide, this being the tendency during Buchanan's whole administration. In other words, the spirit of secession was working in the Democratic party long before actual secession.

It is now generally considered that this inner circle of Southerners at Washington became the government and determined its policy, without paying much regard to Buchanan. In fact, it seems to have acted repeatedly in administrative measures without his knowledge. At least two members of his Cabinet (Cobb and Thompson),

and perhaps more, belonged to this cabal, usurping his place when his total lack of willpower became manifest, and not even caring to inform him in certain cases what his own Administration had done or had resolved to do.

Hence came the contradictions between what Buchanan said and what the Government actually did during this year, especially in its earlier portion. The President repeated again and again that the people of Kansas should have a fair vote upon the Lecompton Constitution; but this was just what the Administration bent every effort to thwart. The President was for Governor Walker, the Administration was against him. Thus the President and his Administration moved in two quite different spheres.

The relation of Buchanan to this governing cabal necessarily fluctuated. He could not help finding out that things had been done in his name and by his authority without even his cognizance. What would he do? Submit to such proceedings and even sanction them, or make some kind of a stand? Let us note the leading stages of his conduct in regard to this matter.

1. We may take the first stage to be when Buchanan urges Walker to accept the Governorship of Kansas, and agrees to Walker's condition, namely, an honest ballot for her people. At the same time the cabal must have been at work with the opposite purpose. For we can

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