We told him that we supposed it to be impossible, that either he or the minister could imagine, that such a proposition could require an answer: that we did not understand it as being seriously expected; but merely as introductory to the subjects of real consideration. He spoke of the respect which the Directory required, and repeated, that it would exact as much as was paid to the ancient Kings. We answered that America had demonstrated to the world, and especially to France, a much greater respect for her present government than for her former monarchy; and that there was no evidence of this disposition which ought to be required, that we were not ready to give. He said that we should certainly not be received; and seemed to shudder at the consequences. We told him, that America had made every possible effort to remain on friendly terms with France; that she was still making them that if France would not hear us; but would make war on the United States; nothing remained for us, but to regret the unavoidable necessity of defending ourselves.

:

The subject of our powers was again mentioned; and we told him, that America was solicitous to have no more misunderstandings with any Republic, but especially with France; that she wished a permanent treaty, and was sensible, that no treaty could be permanent, which did not comport with the interests of the parties; and therefore that he might be assured, that our powers were such as authorized us to place France on equal ground with England, in any respects in which an inequality might be supposed to exist at present between them, to the disadvantage of France. The subject of the rôle d'équipage was also mentioned; and we asked what assurance we could have, if France insisted on the right of adding to the stipulations of our treaty, or of altering them by municipal regulations, that any future treaty we could make should be observed. Mr. Y. said that he did not assert the principle of changing treaties by municipal regulations; but that the Directory considered its regulation concerning the rôle d'équipage as comporting with the treaty. We observed to him, that

none of our vessels had what the French termed a rôle, d'équipage, and that if we were to surrender all they property which had been taken from our citizens in cases where their vessels were not furnished with such a rôle, the government would be responsible to its citizens for the property so surrendered; since it would be impos sible to undertake to assert, that there was any plausi-; bility in the allegation, that our treaty required a rôle: d'équipage.

The subject of disavowals, &c. concerning the Pre-. sident's speech was again mentioned; and it was ob-j served, that the constitution of the United States authorized and required our President to communicate his ideas on the affairs of the nation; that, in obedience to the constitution, he had done so; that we had not power to confirm or invalidate any part of the President's speech; that such an attempt could produce no other effect than to make us ridiculous to the government and to the citizens at large of the United States; and to produce, on the part of the President, an immediate disavowal and recal of us as his agents: that independent of this, all America was acquainted with the facts stated by the President; and our disavowing them would not change the public sentiment concerning them.

We parted with mutual professions of personal respect, and with full indications on the part of M. Y. of his expectation, that we should immediately receive the threatened letter.

The nature of the above communication will evince the necessity of secrecy; and we have promised Messrs. X. and Y. that their names shall in no event be made public.

We have the honor to be, with great respect and . esteem, your most obedient humble servants,

CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY,

J. MARSHALL,

E. GERRY.

P. S. October 27th, 1797.

The definitive articles

of peace are signed between the French Republic and

to

the Emperor; the particulars you will find in the public prints. The Portuguese Minister is ordered to quit France, as the treaty with Portugal has not been yet ratified by the Queen. The treaty itself is declared by the Directory to be void. Since our arrival at Paris the tribunal of cassation has rejected captain Scott's petition complaining of the condemnation of his vessel by the civil tribunal for the want of a rôle d'équipage. Mr. in behalf of the owners of the american vessels, who have appealed in the last resort to the tribunal of cassation, informs, that notwithstanding all the arguments made use of put off the hearing of the Rosanna, as a diplomatic case, 'till the issue of our negociations is known, that case is set down for hearing and will come on the 29th or 30th inst. The same also says, that it is obvious, that the tribunal have received instructions from the officers of the government to hasten their decisions, and that it was hardly worth while to for all our petitions in cassation would be rejected. Our advocates — decline giving their sentiments on this subject under an apprehension of committing themselves. Col. Pickering, Secy. of the United States.

Passages du Discours du Président, dont il est Question dans la Dépêche No:4; avec la Réponse du Directeur Barras à M. Monroe, lors de son Audience de Congé du Directoire.

Paragraphs of the PRESIDENT's Speech, referred to in Letter No. 1. under title of exhibit A.

I. With this conduct of the French Government it will be proper to take into view the public audience, given to the late minister of the United States, on his taking leave of the Executive Directory. The speech of the President discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and at the same time studiously marked with indignities towards the government of

the United States. It evinces a disposition to separate the people of the United States from the govenment; to persuade them, that they have different affections, principles and interests from those of their fellow-citizens, whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision, which shall convince France and the world, that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear, and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character and interest.

II. The diplomatic intercourse between the United States and France being at present suspended; the government has no means of obtaining official information from that country: nevertheless there is reason to believe that the Executive Directory passed a decree, on the 2d of March last, contravening in part the treaty of amity and commerce of 1778, injurious to our law-' ful commerce and endangering the lives of our citizens. A copy of this decree will be laid before you.

III. While we are endeavouring to adjust all our diffe rences with France, by amicable negociation, the progress of the war in Europe, the depredations on our commerce, the personal injuries to our citizens, and the general complexion of affairs render it my indispensible duty to recommend to your consideration effectual measures of defence.

IV. It is impossible to conceal from ourselves, or the world, what has been before observed, that endeavours have been employed to foster and establish a division between the government and people of the United States. To investigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt is not necessary. But to repel, by decided and united councils, insinuations so derogatory to the honor, and aggressions so dangerous to the constitution, union and even independence of the nation, is an indișpensible duty.

Answer of M. Barras, President of the Executive Directory, to the Speech of Mr. MONROE, on taking leave, to which the Speech of the President of the United States refers.

M. le Ministre Plénipotentiaire des Etats-Unis d'A

mérique.

En présentant aujourd'hui au Directoire Exécutif vos letters de rappel, vous donnez à l'Europe un spectacle bien étrange.

La France, riche de sa liberté, entourée du cortège de ses victoires, forte de l'estime de ses alliés, ne s'abaissera pas à calculer les suites de la condescendance du Gouvernement Américain pour les suggestions de ses anciens tyrans.... La République Française espère, au surplus, que les successeurs de Colombus, Ramhiph* et Penn, toujours fiers de leur liberté, n'oublieront jamais qu'ils la doivent à la France. . . . . . Ils peseront dans leur sagesse la magnanime bienveillance du peuple français avec les astucieuses caresses de quelques perfides qui méditent de le ramener à son antique esclavage. Assurez, M. le Ministre, le bon peuple Américain que, comme lui, nous adorons la liberté; que toujours il aura notre estime, et qu'il trouvera, dans le peuple Français, la générosité républicaine qui sait accorder la paix comme elle sait faire respecter sa souveraineté.

Quant à vous, M. le Ministre plénipotentiaire, vous avez combattu pour les vrais intérêts de votre patrie. . . . partez avec nos regrets. Nous rendons en vous un représentant à l'Amérique, et nous retenons le souvenir du citoyen dont les qualités personnelles honoraient ce titre.

* Probably intended for Raleigh.