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younger branches of the Royal Family would, as the Prince believes, be wholly unprecedented, and would certainly, under the present circumstances, be highly objectionable.

I am, with the utmost respect, Sir,

Your Royal Highness' most dutiful
And most humble servant,
LIVERPOOL.

On the receipt of this he addressed a further memorial to the Regent, but all his efforts were unavailing. Ministers would neither bring forward any measure themselves for his relief, nor permit any independent member to move in the matter; this he felt very keenly, as he was satisfied that if his claims were fairly brought under the notice of Parliament, justice would be done him, and he earnestly insisted "that his pretensions were not for the payment of his debts, of which he never had the presumption to entertain the slightest idea, but for the recovery of his just claims, which would enable him to discharge every embarrassment he had in the world.

He now became sensible that there remained nothing for him but to depend for extrication on his own exertions and self-denial; and he at once assigned to a committee of his friends £17,000 out of his income of £25,000, determining to limit his expenditure to the remaining £8,000. He at once parted with many of his servants, and made corresponding reductions in every part of his establishment. He had hoped to be able to remain in England, but after a trial of a year, from July, 1815 to 1816, he found that it would be impossible, without submitting to privations too painful to his feelings. He resolved accordingly to leave England, and in August 1816, proceeded to the continent, and took up his residence at Brussels.

But in April preceding, the Common Council of the City of London had unanimously resolved, that-" In consideration of the distinguished manner in which their Royal Highnesses, the Dukes of Kent and Sussex, have exerted themselves to promote every object of benevolence throughout the United Kingdom, and especially within the City, thereby adding to the lustre of their high birth, as the sons of our beloved Sovereign, and meriting in an eminent degree the sincere respect and gratitude of the City of London, the freedom of the City be presented in a suitable manner to each of their Royal Highnesses."

In the same year, during his residence in Brussels, the members of various benevolent societies met in London, and passed a Resolution and Address which were transmitted to him, that his birth-day should be annually commemorated. On the 2nd November following the first meeting was held, and was remarkable for the presence of all parties in religion and politics, but all animated by one desire to testify to the high estimation in which he was universally held. We can have no difficulty in understanding how this should be the case, when we come to know that he was connected with almost every philanthropic institution in the kingdom, and according to Mr. Neale, had presided during the past year (1816) at seventy-two charity meetings. What his qualifications were for occupying the chair at such meetings, he has himself unconsciously communicated in his address at the anniversary of the festival of St. Patrick: "My politics are no secret, nor am I ashamed to avow them. With some experience in the function I am now executing, I am not at a loss for witnesses to refer to; whether in this or any other charity meeting, I never introduced a single sentence of a political tendency. You perceive on each side of me noblemen who differ in their politics, but here unite in cordial harmony.

"The comfort I feel is beyond my powers of expression, at this moment, in congratulating you upon the total banishment from these meetings of all political prejudice and party feeling. True charity is of no particular party, but is the cause of all parties. I am to announce to you as my successor in the chair, for your next festival, the name, and to give the health of a noble person, Lord Castlereagh, with whose politics I have the misfortune to differ on some points; but to whose signal munificence and variously proved kindness to this charity, I bear most ardent testimony. My advice is, that the example of this day may be a model for future celebrations; that the successive presidents may be alternately selected from the two sides of politics; and my earnest hope is, that each party will make it their practise to attend the presidency of their political opponents; so that liberality may become the standing fashion of these festivals, and that the generosity of politicians to the charity may be exceeded only by their generosity to each other. This is the only rivalry which I recommend, and it is what I shall assuredly support and enforce, both by precept and example, on my return to my country.'

We have seen that while in Canada in 1793, he had become the Patron of the "Sunday Free School," then first established in Quebec.

His early German education had made him a martinet. Accustomed to give implicit obedience himself, he had at the commencement of his career enforced it with a minuteness which made him at the time unpopular with the soldiery; but when experience and observation had convinced him of his error, he frankly acknowledged and honestly rectified it. He was one of the first to discover and admit, that the lash instead of producing reformation, had generally the opposite effect, and he was the first to substitute for it solitary confinement.

He was an enlightened educationist, and the first commander of a regiment who established a regimental school. So high was his conduct in this respect appreciated, that at a meeting held at the Free Mason's Tavern on the 11th May, 1811, the following resolution was moved by Lord Lansdowne, seconded by Lord Keith, and unanimously adopted; "That the respectful thanks of this meeting be presented to H. R. Highness the Duke of Kent, whose friendship to soldiers' children has been shown in that princely liberality with which H. R. H. has established a school in the Royals, as Colonel of that Regiment, and set an example which it is hoped will be universally followed by military commanders, and thereby promote the welfare and do honor to the character of the British Army."

He was patron of the British and Foreign School Society; of the Anti-Slavery Society; and to the Bible Society he gave his warmest support. We, who now see the Queen honored as the Patroness of that noble institution, and Lords spiritual and temporal earnestly and worthily striving to be its President and Vice-Presidents, learn with surprise that no step which the Duke ever took brought down on him so much obloquy in certain quarters as his connexion with the Bible Society. But we must recollect that Dr. Rudge, who lived at that time, has stated that :-" You will bear in mind, that he lived at a period in which a mark was put upon any man, however high or low his station, who supported liberal institutions, and entertained charitable feelings towards others, out of the Established Church." In connexion with this subject Dr. Rudge also informs us, that the Duke had told him :-"That

on a visit to Windsor, he met with the then Archbishop of Canterbury. The subject on the tapis-the King was present-was the Bible Society. The Archbishop said to the King, but meaning his remark for the Duke,He that is not with us is against us.' To which the Duke rejoined. 'Your Grace, there is another saying of our Lord,'—' He that is not against us is on our side.' The prelate frowned, but made no reply."

He had become very popular, he was deeply attached to his country, and was surrounded by devoted friends, but sterling principle had convinced him of the necessity of self expatriation. He lived in Brussels in strict privacy, and at inconsiderable expense. During his residence at Brussels, he made several excursions to Germany to visit his relatives, and according to Neale, it was during one of these that he first saw the lady who in 1818 became his wife, and thus exercised so happy an influence on the destinies of England.

CHAPTER XX.

His Marriage-Re-marriage in England-Return to Continent-Residence at Amorbach-Return to England-Birth of Princess Victoria-Increasing embarrassments: Woolbrook Glen-Illness and Death-Homage to his memory.

1817, 1818, 1819, AND 1820.

"MANFRED-Look on me; there is an order

Of mortals on the earth, who do become
Old in their youth and die ere middle age,
Without the violence of warlike death;
Some perishing of pleasure-some of study-
Some worn of toil-some of mere weariness-
Some of disease-and some of insanity-
And some of withered or of broken hearts;
For this last is a malady which slays
More than are numbered in the lists of Fate,
Taking all shapes and leaving many names.
Look on me; for even of all these things
Have I partaken; and of these things
One were enough."

IN 1818 the nation was plunged into the deepest grief, by the sudden and premature death of the Princess Charlotte of Wales, who, by her amiable and spotless life, had endeared herself to all classes, having secured the most profound respect and love. The feeling of sorrow was intensified by the circumstances attending her untimely fate. She died at the moment when her husband and the nation were looking forward with joyous expectation to the birth of her first-born, the future monarch of England. After the first deep grief was passed, and the public mind in a position to view events with calmness, it became evident that there was danger of the succession failing in the House of Brunswick, and state policy suggested the immediate marriage of the younger branches of the Royal Family; and when it was rumored that the Duke of Kent was about to form an alliance with the widowed sister of Prince Leopold, on the instigation and advice of the Queen Dowager, the intelligence was received with the highest satisfaction.

Rumour soon became certainty when Lord Castlereagh presented a message from the Prince Regent to the House of Commons, informing it that the Royal consent had been given

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