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Additional re-enforcements, both of troops and settlers, were sent out from France. The king and court became more interested in the affairs of the colony, and manifested a ready disposition to second any efforts set on foot by their official agents in the colony to extend its dominion and promote its prosperity. Encouraged by the promise of such ample support from the mother country, the colonists lost no time in making a demonstration of their purpose to bring the brave Iroquois to terms by invading their territory with an armed force.

On the 24th of the month three other companies joined this main army, who had suffered so much by the cold that many of their number had to be sent back totally disabled. These losses, however, were made up by recruits from Forts St. Louis and St. Therese; and on the 14th of February the army, five hundred strong, were in the enemy's country, within a few leagues of their villages.

Here they were informed, by a few prisoners whom they had taken from their detached cabins, that the greater part of the Mohawks and Oneidas were absent, having left in their villages only the children and helpless old men; and concluding that the appearance of so large a number of his majesty's troops in the heart of their country, in the dead of winter, would produce such terror in these savages as to induce them to submit to any terms which might be prescribed to them, it was determined to proceed no farther. They did not fail, however, to make some demonstration of their valor by killing several savages who made their appearance along the skirts of the forests, and in their skirmishes with them they had one officer and several soldiers killed in return.

The effect they anticipated by this expedition was produced, and in the May following there appeared in Quebec em

Meantime the savages indicated a disposition to preserve peaceful relations with the colony, and sent delegates to Quebec to negotiate with M. de Tracy, the military commander of the French forces, for that purpose. Though their embassy was conducted in a most conciliating manner, and all they seemed to desire was to be left undisturbed in the quiet enjoyment of their country and their freedom, their conduct was construed into a consciousness of their inability to resist the invasions of the French, and their haughty enemies took courage by it to prosecute their expedition against them with increased vigor, by which they hoped to bring them under their dominion and possess themselves of their country, not being satisfied with mere relations of amity with them. Pre-bassadors from the Senecas to negotiate tending "that no advantage could be expected from these nations except in so far as they were able to injure them," and that no lasting peace could be otherwise concluded with them, they made speedy preparations for a military expedition against them; and on the 9th of January, 1666, M. de Courcelles, accompanied by his officers and Father Raffiex, a Jesuit, was ready to march with three hundred regular troops and two hundred Frenchmen, to scourge and subdue the Iroquois in their own country. The troops, with a superstitious confidence in the interposition of saints, first repaired to Sillary, to recommend the success of their enterprise to St. Michael, the archangel, the patron of the place But the good saint did not see fit to preserve a portion of his humble supplicants from being so disabled, by having their noses, ears, and other parts of their bodies frozen, that they would have perished in the snow, had they not been carried to the place where they were to spend the night.

terms of peace. The haughty commander-in-chief, M. de Tracy, received them with a coolness bordering on contempt, and refused thirty-four presents which they offered him as introductory to a statement of the object of their mission. But perceiving that they grew sensitive, deeming his refusal of their presents as the greatest insult that could be offered to them, he changed his demeanor, accepted of their wampum belts, and availed himself of the occasion to declare to them the benevolent motives which actuated his gracious sovereign in endeavoring to reduce them to subjection. He said, with a gravity and solemn emphasis that became his high station, that "it was not their presents nor their goods that the king desired, but their true happiness and salvation; that they would derive all sorts of advantage from their confidence in his goodness, which should be extended to the other nations also, who might experience its most favorable effects by sending their embassadors forthwith."

Deputies from the other nations also soon came, with letters from the Dutch in their vicinity, (who had an interest in common with the savages to put a stop to these predatory excursions of the French among them,) certifying their good opinion of the Mohawks and Oneidas that they would faithfully observe any articles of peace they might enter into with the French. With so many indications of having brought the dreaded Iroquois within their control, the authorities at Quebec determined to avail themselves of the advantage to make everything secure in their own way. The Oneida embassadors were required to make themselves responsible for the Mohawks, and to give hostages for them; and a number of Frenchmen were sent with them into their country, strictly charged to inform themselves of everything carefully on the spot, and to learn if it were safe to confide in these savages, 66 so that his majesty's arms should not be retarded by an illusive hope of peace."

Soon after the departure of these embassadors from Quebec news arrived that some Frenchmen belonging to the fort of St. Ann, while out on a hunting expedition, had been killed by the Mohawks. The Oneida hostages detained at Quebec were not murdered, but humanely, as their enraged masters claimed, cast into prison; and M. de Sorel, who commanded in the section where the outrage was com

mitted, proceeded with an army of three hundred men, by forced marches, into the enemy's country, with the declared purpose of putting all, everywhere, to the sword. But the execution of this cruel and indiscriminate slaughter was prevented by the timely evidence given on the part of the Indians, of their not sanctioning the act which had provoked a renewal of hostilities against them, by sending new embassadors with the French prisoners who had been taken by their offending brethren, offering every satisfaction for those who were slain, and furnishing new guarantees for peace; and by a council of the tribes who then had delegates at Quebec a treaty of peace was concluded.

As this treaty of peace proved to be the harbinger of a long series of the most desperate and bloody wars, involving the frontier settlements of the English colonies in their desolating ravages, it is relevant to the purposes of impartial history

to present it entire to the public eye, as filed in the archives of the French nation in Paris. It is inserted in this connection as showing most clearly what it was the aim and purpose of the French to accomplish by their continued warfare against the Iroquois Indians. It reads thus:

On the seventh of the month of July of the year 1666 the Iroquois of the Oneida nation, having learned from the Mohawks, their neighbors and allies, and by the Dutch of Fort Orange, that the troops of Louis the Fourteenth, by the grace of God, most Christian King of France and Navarre, had in the month of February in the same year carried his majesty's arms over the snow and ice near unto Fort Orange in New Netherland, under the command of Missire Daniel de Courcelle, lieutenantgeneral of his armies, pursuant to orders which they received from Missire Alexander de Prouville, knight, Lord de Tracy, member of his majesty's councils, and lieutenant-general of his armies, both in the islands and main land of South and North America, as well by sea as by land, to fight and destroy the Mohawks, which probably they would have accomplished had not the mistake of their guides caused them to take one road for another, came down to Quebec to solicit peace as well in their own name as in that of the Mohawks by ten of their embassadors by name Soenres, Tsoenserouanne, Gannoukoueniotou, Asaregouenioton, Asaregouaune, Tsendiagou, Achinuhara, Togoukouoras, Oskaraquets, Akouehen. after having communicated by the mouth of their orator and chief, Soenres, the object of their embassy by ten talks expressed by ten presents, and having handed to us the letters from the officers of New Netherland, have unanimously requested, acknowledging the force of his majesty's arms, and their weakness, and the condition of the forts advanced toward them, and moreover aware that the three upper Iroquois nations have always experienced great benefit from the protection which they formerly received from the said lord, the king, that his majesty would be pleased to extend to them the same favor by granting them the same protection, and receiving them among his true subjects, demanding that the treaties formerly made as well by the said nations as by theirs, have the same force and validity for that of the Mohawks, who have required us to solicit this with great importunity, as they should themdors had they not been apprehensive of bad selves have done by means of their embassa

And

treatment at our hands, ratifying on their part all the said treaties in all their points and articles, which have been read to them in the Iroquois tongue by Joseph Marie Chaumont, priest, member of the Society of Jesus; adding, moreover, to all the said articles what the protest effecting in good faith what they offered by their presents, especially to restore all the Frenchmen, Algonquins, and Hurons whom they hold prisoners among them, of what condition and quality they may be, and as long as they are detained there, even on the part of the Mohawks, to send families from among them to

serve, like those of other nations, as the most strict hostages for their persons and dispositions to the orders of those who shall in this country have authority from the said lord, the king, whom they acknowledge from this time as their sovereign; demanding reciprocally among all other things the restoration to them in good faith all those of their nation who are prisoners at Quebec, Montreal, and Three Rivers; that French families and some black gowns, the Jesuits, be sent to them to preach the Gospel to them and to make known to them the God of the French, whom they promise to love and adore; also that trade and

commerce be open to them with New France, by the lake du Saint Sacrement, (Lake George,) with the assurance on their part that they will provide in their country a sure retreat as well to the said families as to the trading mer

chants, not only by preparing cabins to lodge

them in, but also by assisting to erect forts to shelter them from their common enemies, the Andastaronnons, and others. And that the present treaty, made on their part in ratification of the preceding may be stable and known to all, they have signed it with the separate and distinct marks of their tribes, after which what they solicited from the said lord, the king, was granted to them in his name by Missire Alexander de Prouville, knight, Lord de Tracy, member of the king's councils, etc., (as above) in the presence and assisted by M. Daniel de Remy, Seigneur de Courcelles, king's councillor, etc., etc., and of M. Jean Talon, also councillor, etc., who have signed with the said Lord de Tracy; and as witnesses, Francis le Mercier, priest, member and superior of the Society of Jesus at Quebec, Joseph Marie Chaumont, likewise priest and member of the said society, interpreters of the Iroquois and Huron languages. Done at Quebec the twelfth of July, 1666.

It is doubted whether the deputies understood the terms of the treaty they signed; or, if they had understood it, whether any threats or coercion on the part of the French could have induced them to sign it. It made them acknowledge "Louis XIV., by the grace of God most Christian king of France and Navarre;" that the appearance of his arms in their country, to destroy the Mohawks, which they were prevented from doing by an error of their guides, and the erection of forts for his troops in prosecuting his wars against them had excited in them alarm and terror, and compelled them to confess themselves too weak to resist his demands, whatever they might be; that thus subdued and helpless they were then to submit, on the part of their people, to any terms his majesty might be pleased to prescribe for their protection against further aggression against them. By these terms they were made to reaffirm all former treaties made with the more tractable

upper nations; to declare their tribes "the true subjects" of the King of France; to return all the prisoners, both Frenchmen and Indians held in captivity among their nation; to pledge themselves for the obnoxious Mohawks that they would faithfully observe and carry out these stipulations; to send hostages into the colony to remain as security for the prisoners among the Five Nations, who should remain until those prisoners were returned; to subject their persons and dispositions to

the orders of those who should in that country have authority from said lord, the king, whom they acknowledge from that lies among the French as strict hostages time as their sovereign, and to send fami

for their servile submission to such orders and service; to receive among them the Jesuits to propagate and establish the Catholic religion, and promise to love and adore "the God of the French."

The French did not, of course, expect that the conditions of this unjust treaty would be fulfilled on the part of the Iroquois; but it would serve the purpose of furnishing a plausible pretext for carrying on a war against them, and wholly exterminating them, as they desired and purposed to do, on the ground of their neglect to respect and observe the stipulations they had entered into for the preservation of peace.

That such was the fact there can be no doubt, when we take into the account that before the embassadors had returned to inform the councils of their nation of what had been done by them, preparations were commenced by the intendant at Quebec for a new expedition against them; and M. de Tracy, pretending that the treaty had not all the effect which was expected, without assigning any reason for such pretense, placed himself at the head of six hundred soldiers, six hundred Frenchmen, and one hundred Huron and Algonquin savages, and marched almost upon the heels of the embassadors into the Iroquois country to insure their submission by the force of arms.

When within thirty or forty leagues of the fortress of the enemy they were discovered by some Indians, who gave the alarm to the villagers, which was at once abandoned by the inhabitants, who took refuge in the mountains. M. de Tracy found abundance of grain and provisions in the deserted villages; and the fortifica

tions which the savages had erected, that were abandoned by them in their flight, indicated to his mind an antecedent purpose on the part of the enemy to resist his forces, which its formidable appearance had induced them to relinquish. He hoped, however, that he should find them concentrated at the last of these fortifications, where he might destroy them at a blow, and remove effectually this troublesome barrier against the progress of his majesty's arms in reducing the more distant tribes to his dominion. But in this he was disappointed. The wary savages had betaken themselves to the woods; and the ambitious commander-in-chief, with the Governor of Canada, and an army of thirteen hundred soldiers, found only a few old men, with the women and children, whom the Indians had left behind in all their forts and villages. But the object of the expedition was not to be wholly lost. M. Jean Falon, king's councilor in his state and privy councils, intendent - general of justice, police and finance in France, etc., in anticipation of a final victory over these Indians, had deputed the commandant, De Tracy, to take possession of the country in the king's name; and an officer of the artillery, collecting the troops "in battle array before the fort of Andaraque," by order of M. de Tracy proclaimed and declared, that he "took possession of said fort and all the lands in the neighborhood in as great a quantity as they might extend, and of the other four forts which had been conquered, in the name of the king; and in token thereof had planted a cross before the doors of said forts, and near this erected a post, and to these affixed the king's arms." The official re

cord says:

After having planted the cross and celebrated mass, and sung the Te Deum on the spot, all that remained was to fire the palisades and cabins, and to destroy all the stores of Indian corn, beans, and other produce found there. The other villages were again visited, where, as well as throughout the whole country, the same devastation was committed; so that those who are acquainted with the mode of living of these barbarians doubt not but famine will

cause as many to perish as would have been destroyed by the arms of our soldiery had they dared to await them; and that those who survive will be reduced by terror to peaceful conditions, and to a demeanor more difficult to be obtained from them by mere sanguinary victories.

If this act of burning the huts and destroying the provisions in the villages inhabited by old men, women, and children, with the satanic purpose of subjecting them and the tribes on whom they depended for subsistence to a cruel death by starvation, was intended by M. de Tracy as a comment upon his asseveration to the deputies that "it was not their presents nor their goods that the king desired, but their true happiness and salvation," the Iroquois braves did not fail to understand it, and prepared themselves to decline in a becoming manner all subsequent proffers of such gracious favors.

INSPIRATION AND RESPIRATION.

IT is no easy matter to give to unseen

things and unseen agencies the importance which belongs to them; and thus it is that people who do not set themselves resolutely to the task of studying the changes which go on in what I will call the

66

unseen physical world," remain ignorant of them to the last, unless some person should place the matter before them in a tangible sort of way.

Need I be formal enough to announce the well-known fact, that every living person among us breathes? From birth to death we go on breathing without one moment's intermission, except, perhaps, during fainting-fit. Do all who happen to read this know what they breathe for, and how? I think not. I will not be content "Because I must;" with such answers as, "Because I couldn't live without air," etc. This is merely reasoning in a circle. I want a positive reply to the questions, why we breathe, and how we breathe; and as nobody seems to answer me as I like to be answered, I shall set about explaining the matter in my own way.

Firstly, as the air, which is such an important element in the process of breathing, is invisible, and consequently is apt to be invested with some of the usual difficulties appertaining to invisible things, let us surround ourselves as much as possible with visible, tangible representatives. Do as I bid you, then, and for the present ask no questions. Weigh out 13 oz. of charcoal, and set it on a plate. Place yourself near a tub full of water, and, by means of a pint measure, dip out the whole of the water by pintsful at a time. Manage

to dip once every three seconds, or twenty times in a minute, so that at the end of a minute you will have dipped out twenty pints. You may now dip out three more pints, if you please, to add to the water already emptied, for, strictly speaking, our pint measure is hardly big enough; but I have assumed a pint measure to have been employed for the reason that everybody is well acquainted with the dimensions of it. We are not dealing with the invisible world now a bulk of water and a heap of charcoal are tangible things. Let us now see what connection they have with the subject of breathing.

The connection is this; one great object of breathing is to remove charcoal from the body; and no less than 13 oz. of charcoal are thus removed from every human individual, on an average, during each twenty-four hours; so you will perceive why I have thought proper to set before you the tangible object of 13 oz. of charcoal on a plate.

Again each human being, on an average, may be considered to take into his lungs and evolve from the same (by inspiration and expiration) one pint of air every three seconds, or twenty pints per minute; something more, indeed, so that if at the end of the minute we give three pints over, it will be something near the mark. Now, what a stupendous matter for contemplation is this! If the bulk of air we take into our lungs during the twenty-four hours, and give out from our lungs during the same time, were only visible, so as to challenge our attention, we should be startled at the immensity of it. The real quantity is about 666 cubic feet; and in order to present to your mind a correct idea of this space, imagine a chamber nineteen feet square and nineteen feet high such a chamber will correspond to that space almost exactly. Contemplate this fact, I say; realize to your mind these dimensions. Depend upon it, the Almighty does not oblige us to breathe and expire daily such an enormous bulk of air for nothing. The act ministers to some good end, you may be certain; and be assured, moreover, that if we violate the laws so obviously set before us, we suffer. Now, a room nineteen feet every way, is a pretty large room. Looking at our population, in the aggregate, how many do you think enjoy the benefits of a room so large ?

Of course it may be said, and fairly said, that every room, however close, is supplied notwithstanding with some means of causing or permitting a circulation of air; a means, in other words, of ventilation. True, and fortunate that it is so. Even the largest room, were ventilative means not supplied, would in time become unfitted to support life; and a comparatively small room may have its air retained up to a good standard of purity by an efficient ventilation. But ventilation, be it remembered, involves a current of air, and a current of air, when strong, is a winda draught; and draughts are so disagreeable that, rather than incur their effects, people will often put up with bad ventilation.

Having created tangible, visible representatives of invisible things, I will now apply myself to answering the question, Why do we breathe? We breathe, in order to evolve from the system the charcoal which is there continually accumulating; we breathe, to add to our stock of animal heat; we breathe, to relieve the lungs of moisture. Such are the chief objects which breathing subserves. There are others, but they are complex; and the nature of a few being disputed, we may omit the consideration of them here.

Perhaps some novice in this line of thought will feel no little surprise that animal heat should be developed by the act of taking into the lungs cold atmospheric air. Did that novice ever set himself the problem of determining what would become of the heat of a common fire, if air were not supplied to it? That air is just as cold as the air which enters our lungs; still, the heat of a fire is enormously greater than animal heat. Well, but-the novice will remind me-" in the grate there is combustion, and without air fire will not burn." Granted; and so in the lungs, or breathing organs of animals, there is combustion too, although that combustion does not rise to the energy of combustion of fuel in a grate, there being neither smoke nor fire. But there are many grades of combustion, and respiration is a low grade of it. The difference between fuel combustion and breath combustion is, after all, less than any one who had not thought over the matter might suppose. In both cases we have atmospheric air playing a similar part; in both cases we have heat developed; in both cases

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