Napoleon and Machiavelli: Two Essays in Political ScienceRiverside Press, 1903 - 124 psl. |
Kiti leidimai - Peržiūrėti viską
Napoleon and Machiavelli– Two Essays in Political Science Frank Preston Stearns Visos knygos peržiūra - 1903 |
Napoleon and Machiavelli– Two Essays in Political Science (Classic Reprint) Frank Preston Stearns Peržiūra negalima - 2015 |
Pagrindiniai terminai ir frazės
admire affairs afterwards appear attack Austria battle battle of Ligny become better Blücher Cæsar Borgia campaign cause cavalry century character Church cities civilization Code Napoléon condition considered course crimes crushed D'Erlon danger Dante Dante's death defeated discourses on Livy Divina Commedia doubt duke emperor enemies England English equal Europe evidently exile favor fighting Florence force fought France Frederick French German Ghibeline Goethe Grouchy Guelph Helena Hohenstaufen human interest Italian Italy Julius Cæsar La Haye Sainte leon's liberalism Ligny Lorenzo Macaulay Machiavelli Madame De Staël manner Medici ment Metternich military mind monarchy moral Moreau Napo Napoleon nature never obliged opinion party patriotic peace perhaps person poet poleon political pope position possessed Prince principle Prussian army reform republican revolution Rome Ropes says soldiers Spain struggle succeeded superior suppose thousand tion troops true Waiblingen Waterloo Wavre Weimar Wellington
Populiarios ištraukos
115 psl. - We Italians then owe to the Church of Rome and to her priests our having become irreligious and bad ; but we owe her a still greater debt, and one that will be the cause of our ruin, namely, that the Church has kept and still keeps our country divided.
91 psl. - Greece, in order to retain the country ; and doubtless that was the safest way, for otherwise whoever becomes master of a- free state, and does not destroy it, may expect to be ruined by it himself. In all its revolts it has ever the cry of liberty for its rallying point and its refuge, as well as the remembrance of its ancient institutions, which neither length of time nor benefits can efface ; do what we may, take whatever precautions we can, unless we divide and disperse the inhabitants, this...
88 psl. - ... disregard to the honour of married women. Subjects will live contentedly enough under a prince who neither invades their property nor their honour ; and then he will only have to contend against the pretensions of a few ambitious persons, whom he can easily find means to restrain. A prince whose conduct is light, inconstant, pusillanimous, irresolute, and effeminate, is sure to be despised : these defects he ought to shun as he would so many rocks, and endeavour to display a character for courage,...
90 psl. - ... been exposed. There is no better fortress for a prince than the affection of the people. If he is hated by his subjects, all other fortresses will be in vain, for when they fly to arms, there will be no want of enemies without the walls to afford them assistance.
109 psl. - Guelphs or Ghibellines; and in consequence of this, one faction endeavoring to drive out the other, the whole province was filled with war; nor could the emperor with all his endeavors abate its fury.
45 psl. - By this I gained many soldiers. Besides, I should have drawn great wealth to France, as the Jews are very numerous and would have flocked to a country where they enjoyed such superior privileges. Moreover, I wanted to establish a universal liberty of conscience. My system was to have no predominant religion, but to allow perfect liberty of conscience and of thought, to make all men equal, whether Protestants, Catholics, Mahometans, Deists, or others; so that their religion should have no influence...
44 psl. - I took the liberty of asking the emperor his reasons for having encouraged the Jews so much. He replied, 'I wanted to make them leave off usury, and become like other men. There were a great many Jews in the countries I reigned over; by removing their disabilities, and by putting them upon an equality with Catholics, Protestants, and others, I hoped to make them become good citizens, and conduct themselves like the rest of the community.
103 psl. - The reason for which government exists is, that one man, if stronger than another, will take from him whatever that other possesses and he desires. But if one man will do this, so will several. And if powers are put into the hands of a comparatively small number, called an aristocracy, — powers which make them stronger than the rest of the community, they will take from the rest of the community as much as they please of the objects of desire.
88 psl. - A prince should earnestly endeavor to gain the reputation of kindness, clemency, piety, justice, and fidelity to his engagements. He ought to possess all these good qualities, but still retain such power over himself as to display their opposites whenever it may be expedient. I maintain that a prince, and...
92 psl. - Then, after speaking of a prince's behavior towards his own people, he says, " In short, it is always necessary to live with the same people ; but a prince has no occasion to continue the same set of nobles, whom he can at pleasure disgrace or honor, elevate or destroy.