There were yet further displays of valour and fidelity in behalf of the Christian cause, or rather of the Crusading frenzy. The Master and a select few, after holding out for several days, made their escape to Cyprus, carrying with them the precious symbols and vessels of the Order and much treasure; but a portion of the band remained, having retired to the Master's Tower, where they defended themselves in the most resolute manner; with the stern fury indeed of fanatics, and to the destruction of many of the most gallant of their enemies. The Tower at last was undermined and tumbled to the ground, burying the handful of Templars in the ruins. Thus ended their exploits and career in Palestine.

Hardly had the Order been terribly thinned, and disastrously driven from the Holy Land, when they became the object of relentless persecution on the part of Christian powers, Philip of France being the fiercest and most wily; countenanced however by the Church, and it would appear, by the general voice of temporal barons. The possessions of the Knights were forfeited, and the direst tortures and most cruel modes of death were appointed for the members of the Order, upon charges of the deepest impiety and the most revolting crimes. They were accused of blasphemy, of heresy, of idolatry, and of sorcery. Many of them perished amid protracted tortures maintaining their innocency to the last; others confessed to whatever was asked of them, as the best of men will do when in the despair of bodily agony. The charges and the confessions reached to the seduction of females, to secret murders, and to offences which cannot be named by us; to deism, to horrid sacrificial rites, and to trampling in mockery and despite upon the

cross.

Now, as has already been suggested by us, some of these allegations carry absurdity in their front, although it is not necessary to stand up for any extraordinary orthodoxy of opinion or purity of practice on the part of the soldier-monks. Laxity in both respects would naturally accrue to them, circumstanced and exalted as they were; nor can it be denied that the Order reached a state of shameful dissoluteness. But then it is to be borne in mind that after Palestine was wrested from the Christians, and the Templars were no longer in request for foreign service, their residence and power at home were looked upon with a jealous eye; nor were either Churchmen or Laymen scrupulous with respect to the means that might humble and extirpate the exorbitantly wealthy Order. The very secrecy which belonged to the ceremonies of initiation and other formularies in their institutions, opened a wide door in a superstitions age for fearful accusations; and hearsay was the sort of evidence that preceded many convictions and numerous horrid

cruelties.

On the other hand, it is to be remarked, that there was an extra

ordinary unanimity throughout Europe,-in France, England, Germany, Spain, and Portugal,—with regard to the character and practices of the Templars before their doom was sealed and their destruction completed. One is ready to feel persuaded that there must have been some grounds for this popular impression, distinct even from the avarice of princes and feudal lords, or the jealousies of the Church. But in whatever manner these views may be balanced, one thing is plain, the Knights Templars were cruelly and treacherously extirpated.

Some very curious information will be found in Mr. Addison's elegant volume relative to the Temple Church, one of the most interesting architectural relics in London, and now undergoing extensive repairs. What we now quote will throw some light upon that unique fane, and satisfy our readers that valuable and entertaining information abounds in the History before us:

The Knights Templars first established the chief house of their order in England, without Holborn Bars, on the south side of the street, where Southampton House formerly stood, adjoining to which Southampton Buildings were afterwards erected; and it is stated, that about a century and a half ago, part of the ancient chapel annexed to this establishment, of a circular form, and built of Caen stone, was discovered on pulling down some old houses near Southampton Buildings in Chancery Lane. This first house of the Temple, established by Hugh de Payens himself, before his departure from England, on his return to Palestine, was adapted to the wants and necessities of the order in its infant state, when the knights, instead of lingering in the preceptories of Europe, proceeded at once to Palestine; and when all the resources of the society were strictly and faithfully forwarded to Jerusalem, to be expended in defence of the faith but when the order had greatly increased in numbers, power, and wealth, and had somewhat departed from its original purity and simplicity, we find that the superior and the knights resident in London began to look abroad for a more extensive and commodious place of habitation. They purchased a large space of ground, extending from the White Friars westward to Essex House without Temple Bar, and commenced the erection of a convent on a scale of grandeur commensurate with the dignity and importance of the chief house of the great religio-military society of the Temple in Britain. It was called the New Temple, to distinguish it from the original establishment at Holborn, which came thenceforth to be known by the name of the Old Temple. This New Temple was adapted for the residence of numerous military monks and novices, serving-brothers, retainers, and domestics. It contained the residence of the superior and of the knights, the cells and apartments of the chaplains and serving-brethren, the council-chamber where the chapters were held, and the refectory, or dining-hall, which was connected, by a range of handsome cloisters, with the magnificent church consecrated by the patriarch. Alongside the river extended a spacious pleasure-ground for the recreation of the brethren, who were not permitted to go into the town without the leave of the master. It

was used also for military exercises, and the training of the horses. The year of the consecration of the Temple Church, Geoffrey, the superior of the order in England, caused an inquisition to be made of the lands of the Templars in this country, and the names of the donors thereof; from which it appears, that the larger territorial divisions of the order were then called bailiwicks, the principal of which were London, Warwic, Couele, Meritune, Gutinge, Westune, Licolnscire, Lindeseie, Widine, and Eboracisire (Yorkshire). The number of manors, farms, churches, advowsons, demesne lands, villages, hamlets, windmills, and watermills, rents of assize, rights of common and free warren, and the amount of all kinds of property, possessed by the Templars in England at the period of the taking of this inquisition, are astonishing. Upon the great estates belonging to the order, prioral houses had been erected, wherein dwelt the procurators or stewards charged with the management of the manors and farms in their neighbourhood, and with the collection of the rents. These prioral houses became regular monastic establishments, inhabited chiefly by sick and aged Templars, who retired to them to spend the remainder of their days, after a long period of honourable service against the infidels in Palestine. They were cells to the principal house in London. There were also under them certain smaller administrations established for the management of the farms, consisting of a Knight Templar, with whom were associated some serving-brothers of the order, and a priest, who acted as almoner.

ART. XI.-Letters of David Hume, and Extracts from Letters referring to him. Edited by THOMAS MURRAY, LL.D. Edinburgh: Black.

THESE letters belong to the memorable period of 1745-1746, when Hume spent something better than a twelvemonth as the companion and guardian of the Marquis of Annandale, who was under the philosopher's care, "for the state of his mind and health." The Marquis was a weak creature, or at least subject to a species of lunacy, and took a sort of sudden liking to Hume in consequence of some passage in his Essays which had been recently published; a proof of this person's capriciousness. The correspondence concerns the temporary connexion thus formed, and relates to the difficulties and annoyances which Hume experienced with his ward, especially in consequence of the interference of a Captain Vincent, a kinsman of the Dowager Marchioness of Annandale, and who had the management of many of the family affairs, but is accused of having pursued his sinister courses with consummate meanness, even so as to vex and irritate the calm and remarkably self-possessed philosopher. The letters, therefore, now for the first time published, and referring to a period to which a slight allusion is elsewhere made by Hume, appeal with very considerable force to our curiosity, on account of the matters in them which for a time closely concerned his comfort and life; and are valuable, besides, on account of the light they shed

upon his temperament and character. Introductory to our specimens such circumstances must be noticed as will help to explain the miscellaneous extracts, and the cause of the crimination and recrimination which the documents largely contain.

There was, for example, a dispute about a claim for 751.-a quarter's salary-which Hume set up, Vincent on the other hand insisting that the annual payment, of 300l., together with a present of 100%., to clear the philosopher's expenses of travel from Edinburgh, was quite sufficient remuneration. The fifth quarter, however, had been entered on before the fickle Marquis dismissed his guardian. The following is one of the Captain's bitterest epistles:

I had two letters from Mr. H., (writes the Captain on the Philosopher,) which I did not think necessary to answer; and should be much pleased that I had never any sort of correspondence or knowledge of him, which I reckon one of the misfortunes of my life. He has merit and useful talents; but, to weigh the thing strictly, it is not fitting that I should put myself on the footing of having a disputable reference on account of a man who makes a greedy demand after so much generosity shown him, and who gave up or lost not anything by his attendance, but greatly gained by it in many respects; both which points can be well proved. And if he, or his best friends, or any one alive, can say that in honour and conscience he is entitled to 751. more than the 4007. he has already had, I am then more mistaken than I ever was in my whole life. I should wish for an occasion to have his behaviour examined, and see whether it is to be justified; and I say it is a strict truth, that I would be free from passion and prejudice in setting it forth. But there's enough about him, and perhaps too much.

But Hume could utter mightier sentiments of contempt, and with greater brevity, in return, as this specimen to Sir James Johnstone, the brother-in-law of the Dowager Marchioness, exemplifies :

I shall not, however, conclude, without telling you, that when I became absolutely certain of this man's character, I was anxious to know the character he bore in the world; and for that purpose wrote to Mr. Oswald, (with whom I live in great intimacy,) to desire him to inform himself of the matter; which he was easily enabled to do by his connexions in the Navy. He answered me, that he was universally regarded as a low, dirty, despicable fellow; and particularly infamous for pimping his wife to another Peer. That is a fact, I have also some reason to know; and tallies exactly with what I told you. You may ask Oswald.

The letters sometimes distinctly unfold, or significantly point to, particular annoyances and mean doings of Vincent. For instance, he appears to have been suspected of opening and suppressing correspondence. He also seems to have employed the servants as spies. Sir James Johnstone is the person addressed in the two documents

that we now copy out, and against whom it was thought by the historian, the base sycophant was plotting, so as to usurp all the sway of the family :—

Sir, I did write you the very first occasion after I came out thither; but I find my letters have great difficulty to reach you: for which reason I shall put this into the post-house myself, to prevent such practices as I suspect are us'd in this family. I have some reason also to think that spies are plac'd upon my most indifferent actions. I told you that I had had more conversation with one of the servants than was natural; and for what reason. Perhaps this fellow had the same privilege granted him as other spies, to rail against his employer, in order to draw in an unguarded man to be still more unguarded; but such practices, if real (for I am not altogether certain), can only turn to the confusion of those who use them. Where there is no arbitrary power, innocence must be safe; and if there be arbitrary power in this family, 'tis long since I knew I cou'd not remain in it. What a scene is this for a man nourish'd in philosophy and polite letters to enter into, all of a sudden, and unprepar'd! But I can laugh whatever happens; and the newness of such practices rather diverts me. At first they caus'd indignation and hatred, and even (tho' I am asham'd to confess it) melancholy and sorrow. Your friend has recover'd his colic, but is fallen into a fit of very low spirits and vapours. I wish this may not hold him long. I know not whether you wou'd choose to come out while he is in this condition. You may command the chaise and horses at any time. I am, sir, with great regard, your most obedient humble serDAVID HUME.

vant,

Again,

Sir,-You seem uneasy that all my letters have been open'd, and so am I too but as I think I have in all of them us'd the precaution to name nobody, and to date from no place, and even not to subscribe the letters, it can be of no consequence, and can only proceed from the universal practice of opening all letters at present, though none of mine ever came to me in that manner. A clerk in the post-office opens a letter, runs it over, and, finding it concerns only private business, forwards it presently, and thinks no farther of the matter: so that what one writes of that kind seems

to me as safe as what one says. However, as you appear to think otherwise, I shall be more cautious for the future. The unexpected vexations I met with (which, I hope, will now soon have an end some way or other) made me glad, on every occurrence, to open my mind to you; and my great leisure gave me full opportunity. This is my reason, or at least my excuse, for troubling you so frequently. Your friend still keeps his health and temper to admiration. I am, sir, with great regard, your most obedient humble servant, DA. HUME.

It is but fair to let the Captain be once more heard. He is writing to the Marchioness. The reader will judge of the writer from the manner of the letter. It wants the stamp of perfect truth