enlightened patriot; that is a patriot of his own day and of his own country. There does not, I believe, exist a truer Canadian. Canada-not the Province of Quebec alone-is his fatherland. It is upon Canada as a whole that his thoughts and hopes are constantly centered. He loves his own race and is proud of it: but he strives to develop, both in himself and others, all that is broad and lofty in that sentiment, and to discourage any elements of narrowness and exclusiveness which it may contain.

In

As to his Liberalism, the formula of it he has borrowed, in toto, from the chosen high-priests of English democracy, and its spirit and essence he recognizes to be in the British Constitution-that Constitution, which is, to adopt his own expression, elastic enough to admit all new ideas, yet solid enough to serve as a bridge between the institutions of the past and the aspirations of the future. Physically Sir Wilfrid Laurier is distinction itself, and would attract notice in the most aristocratic gathering. He is tall, slight and elegant in figure; while he commands respectful admiration by the dignity of his carriage as well as by a certain unaffected, and probably unconscious grace which is the ruling characteristic of his whole personality. His whole countenance denotes peace in himself and good will to others. his social relations Laurier suffers no loss of the prestige that distinguishes him in other spheres. His affability and hospitality under his own roof, the charm of his manner and conversation as a guest, his generous openhandedness and open-heartedness on all occasions and to all men, would have been sufficient to earn him a reputation in society, had his work as a statesman left room for a rival distinction. He possesses in addition the loftiest characteristic of strong natures and of those whose merits have been established by fame, that of never making anyone feel too conscious of his superiority. All are at ease with him. A great man in public; an amiable cavalier among the fair sex; a genial companion among his intimate friends ; his lips ever ready with a laugh as frank and hearty as his words; such is Sir Wilfrid Laurier.

APPENDIX.

REPLY TO THE TOAST, "OUR GUESTS, THE COLONIAL PREMIERS," BY SIR WILFRID LAURIER, PREMIER OF CANADA, AT A BANQUET GIVEN BY THE IMPERIAL INSTITUTE TO THE COLONIAL PREMIERS, LONDON, JUNE 18, 1897. THE PRINCE OF WALES, Now KING EDWARD VII, PRESIDED AND INTRODUCED SIR WILFRID.

Your Royal Highness, My Lords and Gentlemen :-The toast which your Royal Highness has just proposed in such graceful terms is one which is important at all times and opens a subject which at the present time perhaps more than at any other engrosses and absorbs the minds of all thinking men. During the few days in which my colleagues and myself have had the privilege to be in England we have had hourly evidences that the Colonies at the present moment occupied no small part in the affections of the people of England. Sir, Colonies were born to become nations. In my own country, and perhaps also in England, it has been observed that Canada has a population which in some instances exceeds, in many others rivals the population of independent nations, and it has been said that perhaps the time might come when Canada might become a nation of itself. My answer is this simply: Canada is a nation. Canada is free, and freedom is its nationality. Although Canada acknowledges the suzerainty of a Sovereign Power, I am here to say that independence can give us no more rights than we have at present.

Lord Lansdowne has spoken of a day when perhaps our Empire might be in danger. England has proved at all times that she can fight her own battles, but if a day were ever to come when England was in danger, let the bugle sound, let the fires be lit on the hills, and in all parts of the Colonies, though we might not be able to do much, whatever we can do shall be done by the Colonies to help her. From all parts of this country since I have been here, both in conversation and in letters, I have been asked if the sentiments of the French population of Canada were characterized by absolute loyalty towards the British Empire. I have been reminded that

feuds of race are long and hard to die, and that the feuds of France-the land of my ancestors--with England have lasted during many generations. Let me say at once that though it be true that the wars of France and England have their place in history, it was the privilege of the men of our generation to see the banners of France and England entwined together victoriously on the banks of the Alma, on the heights of Inkerman, and on the walls of Sebastopol.

It is true that during the last century and the century before, a long war, a long duel, I might call it, was waged between England and France for the possession of North America, but in the last battle that took place on the Plains of Abraham, both generals, the one who won and the one who failed, fell. If you go to the city of Quebec you will see a monument erected in commemoration of that battle. What is the character of that monument? Monuments to record victories are not scarce in England or in France; but such a monument as this which is in Quebec, I do not think you will find in any other part of the world, for it is a monument not only to him who won, but also to him who failed. it is a monument dedicated to the memory of Wolfe and Montcalm, and the dedication, which is one of the noblest and best of the kind, not only for the sentiments which it records but also as a literary expression, is as follows:

"Mortem victus communem famam historia monumentum posteritas dedit." Here is a monument to the two races equal in fame, courage, and glory, and that equality exists at the present time in Canada. In this you have the sentiments of my countrymen-we are equal to-day with those who won on the battle-field on the Plains of Abraham. It is by such acts that England has won the hearts of my fellow-countrymen; it is by such acts that she can ever claim our loyalty.

Your Royal Highness, let me now thank you from the bottom of my heart for the kind words you have just spoken. Your Royal Highness has been kind enough to remind us that at one time in its earlier day you visited Canada. Many changes have taken place since that time, but let me assure your Royal Highness there has been no change in the loyalty of the people of Canada.

A Review of Popular Progress

Na country where the traditions of the people have been chiefly those of other and older lands; where the history, until within a few generations of time, has been one of internal conflict between rival races and foreign flags; where the modern events of development in a constitutional direction and in material welfare have been controlled by the slowly-merging antagonisms of race and religion; the growth of liberty and the matured practice of self-government have naturally afforded room for interesting and stirring experiences. Add to these considerations vast and almost unknown areas, immense difficulties of transportation and trade, the competition of a great southern neighbour of not always friendly tendencies, the continued arrival throughout half a century of hundreds of thousands of people. with diverse tastes and politics and various degrees of knowledge or ignorance, and the position grows in interest and importance.

With the nineteenth century commenced the constitutional history of Canada. To the British subject and elector of the end of that century it is difficult to clearly comprehend the situation in those olden days. Newspapers were so few as to be of little influence. Books were scarce, valuable, and of a character not calculated to throw light upon existing problems. The people of Lower Canada. were wrapped up in the traditions and surroundings of many years before and, under the British flag, were fondly nursing the ideas and ideals of Old France in the days of Louis XIV.; of New France in the days of Montcalm and the earlier period and glories of Frontenac. The people of the English Provinces were still little more than

isolated pioneer settlers steeped in the shadowed memories of a past struggle for King and institutions and country; embittered against all republican or democratic tendencies; prejudiced, naturally and inevitably, against the Radicals of England who had helped to ruin the Royal cause in the Thirteen Colonies and against the French of Quebec who had been so long the traditional enemies of England and the sincere foes of British supremacy in North America. To them, all new-comers, whether the later Loyalists from the States, or immigrants of subsequent years from the Old Land, were subjects of suspicion as being possibly alien in origin, or indifferent in sentiment to their own sacrifices and their own sacred political beliefs. To the French-Canadians, all immigrants were equally undesirable as being practically certain to possess religious and racial differentiation from themselves.

THE EVOLUTION OF CANADIAN PARTIES

Into this peculiar mass of varied interests and antagonistic feelings came the leaven of a constitutional and Parliamentary system. It did not develop from within. It was not the result of popular evolution or even of popular desire. The French-Canadians accepted it as an external part of their new situation, a political appanage to the Conquest; while the Loyalists of the other Provinces did not really want it and would probably have been quite satisfied for many years to come with able Governors and reasonably efficient local advisers. Still, the latter knew how to use it when received and were more or less familiar with the underlying principles of a Legislature and free government. When, however, increasing population brought varied political sentiments and personalities into conflict with the Loyalists, the inevitable result followed and a dominant class found itself in collision with a dominating people who cared more for the present than the past, more for phantasms of liberty than memories of loyalty, more for a share in the government of the country than for abstract