deal out disapprobation, even contempt for our own, and the habits which alone they should superinduce? And is there not cause for apprehension, that the superiority which we so easily, often so slavishly, choose to yield her on all points---that the moral prostration in which we consent to fall before her footstool-may also trench upon the reverence due to our own public institutions, producing results at which our fears should startle? If, fellow citizens, our freedom, our republican freedom, which, to make lasting, we should cherish with uninterrupted constancy and the purest love, has a foe more deadly than any other, it is probably this; this is the destroying spirit which can make its way slowly and unperceived, but surely and fatally. If we stood farther off---much farther off---from Britain, we should still be near enough to derive all that she has valuable, while we should be more safe from the poison of her political touch. Just as, at this day, we can draw upon the repositories of genius and literature among the ancients, while we escape the vices of paganism and the errors of their misleading philosophy. But if Athenian citizens filled our towns; if we spoke their language, wore their dress, took them to our homes; if we kept looking up to them with general imitation and subserviency, the truths of Christianity themselves would be in danger of yielding to the adoration of the false gods!

This war may produce, auspiciously and forever, the effect of throwing us at a safer distance from so contaminating an intimacy, making our liberty thrive more securely, and ourselves more independent---privately and politically. From no other nation are we in danger in the same way; for, with no other nation, have we the same affinities, but, on the contrary, numerous points of repulsion that interpose as our guard. Let us have a shy connexion with them all, for history gives the admonition, that for the last twenty years, every nation of the world that has come too close in friendship with either our present enemy, or her neighbor, the ferocious giant of the land, has lost its liberties, been prostrated or been ravaged. After the war of our revolution, we were still so much in the feebleness of youth as to take the outstretched hand of Britain, who could establish our industry, shape our occupations, and give them, involuntarily to ourselves, the direction advantageous to her views. But, henceforth, we shall stand upon a pedestal whose base is fixed among ourselves, whence we may proudly look around and afar-from the ocean to the mountains, from the mountains to the farthest west, beholding our fruitful fields, listening to the hammer of our workshops, the cheerful noise of our looms :-where the view on all sides, of native numbers, opulence and skill, will enable us to stamp more at pleasure the future destinies of our happy land. Possibly, also, the sameness of our pursuits in so many things, with Britain, instead of pointing to close connexions with her, as her politicians so steadily hold up, will at length indicate to the foresight of our own statesmen unalterabie reasons to an intercourse more restrained---it may be the elements of a lasting rivalship.

Animated by all the motives which demand and justify this contest, let us advance to it with resolute and high beating hearts, supported by the devotion to our beloved country, which wishes for her triumphs cannot fail to kindle. Dear to us is this beloved country, far dearer than we can express, for all the true blessings that flourish within her bosom; the country of our fathers, the country of our children, the scene of our dearest affectionswhose rights and liberties have been consecrated by the blood whose current runs so fresh in our veins. Who shall touch such a country, and not fire the patriotism and unsheath the swords of us all? No, Americans! while you reserve your independent privilege of rendering, at all times, your suffrages as you please, let our proud foe be undeceived. Let her, let the world learn, now and forever, that the voice of our nation, when once legitimately expressed, is holy-is imperious! that it is a summons of duty to every citizen; that when we strike at a foreign foe, the saered bond of country becomes the pledge of a concentrated effort; that in such a cause, and at such a crisis, we feel with but one heart and strike with our whole strength! We are the only nation in the world, fellow citizens, where the people and the government stand, in all things, indentified; where all the acts of the latter are immediately' submitted to the superior revision of the former; where every blow at the general safety becomes the personal concern of each individual. Happy people, happy government! will you give up, will you not defend such blessings? We are also perhaps the only genuine republie which, since the days of the ancients, has taken up arms against a foreign foe in defence of its rights and its liberties. Animating thought! warmed with the fire of ancient freedom, may we not expect to see the valor of Thermopyla and Marathon again displayed! The Congress of eighteen hundred and twelve, here, within these august walls, have proclaimed to the world that other feelings than those of servility, avarice or fear pervade the A merican bosom; that in the hope and purity of youth, we are not debased by the passions of a corrupt old age; that our sensibilities are other than sordid; that we are ambitious of the dignified port of freemen; that while pacific we know the value of national rights and national justice, and with the spirit due to our lasting prosperity as a republic, design to repel authenticated outrag es upon either. That we will and dare act as becomes a free, an enlightened and a brave people. Ilustrious Congress! worthy to have your names recounted with the illustrious fathers of our re olution for what grievances were those that led to the great act· which made us a nation, that have not been equalled, shall I say, have not been surpassed, by those which moved to your deed? and what noble hazards did they encounter which you ought not to brave?

If we are not fully prepared for war, let the sublime spectacle be soon exhibited, that a free and a valiant nation, with our numbers,

and just cause, is always a powerful nation; is always ready to defend its essential rights! the Congress of '76 declared Independence and hurled defiance at this same insatiate foe six and thirty years ago, with an army of seventeen thousand hostile troops just landed upon our shores; and shall we now hesitate? shall we bow our necks in submission? shall we make an ignominious surrender of our birthright under the plea that we are not prepared to defend it? No, Americans! Yours has been a pacific republic, and therefore has not exhibited military preparation; but it is a free republic, and therefore will it now, as before, soon command battalions, discipline, courage! Could a general of old by only stamping on the earth rouse up armies, and shall a whole nation of freemen at such a time know not where to look for them? The soldiers of Bunker's hill, the soldiers of Beanington, the soldiers of the Wabash, the seamen of Tripoli, contradiet it!

By one of the surviving patriots of our revolution I have been told, that in the Congress of 1774, among other arguments used to prevent a war, and a separation from Great Britain, the danger of having our towns battered down and burnt was zealously urged. The venerable CHRISTOPHER GADSDEN, of South Carolina, rose and replied to it in these memorable words: "Our sea port towns, “Mr. President, are composed of brick and wood. If they are de"stroyed, we have elay and timber enough in our country to re"build them. But, if the liberties of our country are destroyed, "where shall we find the materials to replace them?" Behold in this an example of virtuous sentiment fit to be imitated.

Indulge me with another illustration of American patriotism derived from the same source. During the siege of Boston General Washington consulted Congress upon the propriety of bombarding the town. Mr. HANCOCK was then President of Congress. After General Washington's letter was read, a solemn silence ensued This was broken by a member making a motion that the House should resolve itself into a committee of the whole, in order that Mr. Hancock might give his opinion upon the important subject, as he was so deeply interested from having all his estate in Boston. After he left the chair, he addressed the chairman of the committee of the whole in the following words: "It is true, sir, near"ly all the property I have in the world is in houses and other re"al estate in the town of Boston; but if the expulsion of the Brit"ish army from it and the liberties of our country require their "being burnt to ashes-issue the order for that purpose immediately."

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What has ancient or modern story to boast beyond such elevated specimens of public virtue? and what inspiring lessons of duty do they teach to us? War, fellow citizens, is not the greatest of evils. Long submission to injustice is worse. Peace, a long peace, a peace purchased by mean and inglorious sacrifices, is worse, is far worse. War takes away a li destined by nature to death. It produces chiefly bodily evils. But when ignoble peace

robs us of virtue, debases the mind and chills its best feelings, it renders life a living death, and makes us offensive above ground. The evils of ignoble peace are, an inordinate love of money, rage of party spirit, and a willingness to endure even slavery itself rather than bear pecuniary deprivations or braze manly hazards. The states of Holland and of Italy will be found, at several stages of their history, strikingly to exemplify this remark.

War in a just cause produces patriotism: witness the speech of Gadsden! It produces the most noble disinterestedness where our country is concerned: witness the speech of Hancock! It serves to destroy party spirit, which may become worse than war. In war death is produced without personal hatred; but under the influence of party spirit inflamed by the sordid desires of an inglorious peace, the most malignant passions are generated, and we hate with the spirit of murderers.

Could the departed heroes of our revolution rise from their sleep and behold their deseendants hanging contentedly over hoards of money, or casting up British invoices, while so long a list of wrongs still looked them in the face, calling for retribution, what would they say? Would they not hasten back to their tombs, now more welcome than ever, since they would conceal from their view the base conduct of those sons for whom they so gallantly fought, and so gallantly fell? But stop, return, return, illustrious band stay and behold, stay and applaud what we too are now doing! We will not dishonor your noble achievements! we will defend the inheritance you bequeathed us-we will wipe away all past stains-we will maintain our rights at the sword, or, like you, we will die! Then shall we render our ashes worthy to mingle with yours!

Sacred in our celebrations be this day to the end of time! Revered be the memories of the statesmen and orators whose wisdom led to the act of Independence, and of the gallant soldiers who sealed it with their blood! May the fires of their genius and courage animate and sustain us in our contest, and bring it to a like glorious result! may it be carried on with singleness to the objects that alone summoned us to it as a great and imperious duty, irksome yet necessary! May there be a willing, a joyful, immolation of all selfish passions on the altar of a common country! may the hearts of our combatants behold, and, under a propitions heaven, their swords flash victory! may a speedy peace bless us and the passions of war go off, leaving in their place a stronger love of country and of each other! Then may pacific glories, accumulating and beaming from the excitement of the national mind, long be ours :-a roused intellect, a spirit of patriotic improvement in whatever can gild the American name ;-in arts, in literature, in science, in manufactures, in agriculture, in legislation, ia morals,in imbuing our admirable forms of polity with still more and more perfection-may these then and long be ours! may common perils and common triumphs bind us more closely together! may the era furnish names to our anuals" on whom late time

a kindling eye shall turn!" Revered be the dust of those who fall, sweet their memories!-their country vindicated, their duty done, an honorable renown, the regrets of a nation, the eulogies of friendship, the slow and moving dirges of the camp, the tears of beauty-all, all, will sanctify their doom! Honored be those who outlive the strife of arms!-our rights established, justice secured, a haughty foe taught to respect the freemen she had abused and plundered-to survive to such recollections and such a conseiousmess, is there, can there be, a nobler reward !

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