of this government to build and employ. The BALTIMORE FEDERAL REPUBLICAN states, that a French privateer in the Atlantic ocean has captured about 30 merchant vessels, and that the impres sion made by this single privateer was so serious that 13 vessels, several of which were frigates, were employed in cruising for her. The truth of this statement may be relied on; because that paper is not in the habit of exaggerating French successes, or of aggravating British sufferings. But it is said, that although our privateers were successful at the commencement of the revolutionary war, before the conclusion of that contest they were entirely destroyed. Admitting the fact to be true, it does not necessarily follow, that such will be the result of the war now in contemplation. After the first years of that contest, the British forces were in possession of the principal ports and harbors of the United States, which made it extremely hazardous for our privateers to approach our own coasts or enter our own habors. It is expected, that ur situation will be very different in the event of war at this time. Instead of possessing the principal ports of the United States, we expect to expel them from the whole of their continental possessions in our neighborhood. If this should be the result of the war, their means of annoying our commerce, and of destroying our privateers, will be greatly diminished; and their power of protecting their commerce from the depredations of our privateers will suffer an equal diminution.

Mr. C. said, that his friend from Kentucky in the discussion of this question had taken a view of the TAXES, which were intended to be imposed in the event of war. Every measure of additional expense at the present time involves, at least in contemplation, the idea of additional taxes; but he should have been glad if this incidental view of that subject had been omitted by his honorable friend, who, notwithstanding his objections, intends to vote for such of those taxes as the exigencies of the nation shall require. Some of his observations appeared calculated to make an unfavorable impression upon the public mind,against internal taxation; although he was convinced, that the honorable gentleman did not intend them to have that effect. If we engage in war, these taxes will be necessary, and it will be a subject of deep regret if they should be rendered more objectionable by the observations of those who feel the necessity of imposing them. The direct and internal taxes imposed during Mr. Adams' administration were certainly unpopular. But, Mr. C. said, he had always understood that they were so, because they were believed to be unnecessary, and because they were imposed in the most objectionable form. The measures of expense adopted by that administration made those taxes necessary; but it was believed, that the expensive measures then adopted were not required by the actual state of our affairs. The nation disapproved of the object, for the attainment of which those expensive measures were adopted, and consequently were opposed to the additional taxes which were imposed at that time.

If war is now thought to be necessary by the nation, we ought not to doubt for a moment, that the people will willingly furnish the means necessary for its vigorous and successful prosecution. If there is not a sufficiency of good sense and patriotism in the nation to submit to the impositions, necessary for the successful execution of those measures, which have been adopted pursuant to their wishes, and for the protection of their rights; then indeed our rights and liberty are but empty names-the idea of our free and happy government, an idle phantom! Whenever this fact shall be demonstrated, the preservation of our constitution, and the integrity of the Union will not be worth a struggle. But, until it is demonstrated, its possibility ought not to be admitted, and will not be admitted by the national legislature.

House of Representatives.

Debate on the bill supplementary to the "Act to establish an executive department, to be denominated the Department of War." MR. GRUNDY remarkel, that it must be grateful to the feelings of every man acquainted with the difficulties at present attending the War Office to observe the liberality of sentiment displayed by gentlemen on both sides of the present question under discussion towards the. individual who presides in that office. It had become his duty in some degree to acquaint himself with the business in that Department and the manner in which it was conducted-and he felt no hesitation in saying that in his opinion, organized as it now is, it could not have been managed to greater advantage. And if, said Mr. G. the buzz which we have heard against the Secretary at War should produce any effect upon his standing as a high and responsible officer of the government, I should ever consider him the most injured man in the nation. Let gentlemen look at the duties which he has been compelled to perform and those which in a state of War must devolve on him, and ask themselves, whether the man exists qualified to give general satisfaction under such circumstances? Hitherto he has discharged the duties of Quarter-master-General, CommissaryGeneral, and all those functions which properly belong to the whole staff department of the army. He has also the claims of pensioners to attend to-and every member who has served on the committee of claims, knows the labor this business requires. In addition to these duties he is bound to correspond with the Indian Agents in the different sections of the Union, and to superintend the land warrants issued by the general government which originally proceed from this office. And, sir, the great operations of organizing a large army, in fact, the whole preparations for war, have fallen upon one man, altogether unaided by clerks of experience-for not one of his assistants has been in the office 12 months. Sir, said Mr. G.

I will endeavor to take a view of the subject before the House, which has not been taken by other gentlemen, but which I deem important on this occasion. He did not think these assistant secretaries should be regarded as mere clerks who were to render clerical service only. He was of opinion, that they were to aid the head of the department not only with their hands, but with their minds. It was from the War Department that every important movement in the course of a war was to emanate. Any defect there, will in a great degree have its influence on every military operation. He inclined to the belief that such a portion of talents had not fallen to the lot of any mortal, being, as would qualify him to discharge the duties of that station without assistance. Mr. G. said, we ought to have a board of war, or some substitute for one, which will combine its advantages and at the time avoid those objections which exist to the operation of such a tribunal. What, sir, said he, are the objections to a board of war, as it existed during the revolution? It was composed of several individuals equal in power. They were to deliberate on most important measures. They became at once a debating assembly, which naturally produced delay, distraction in council and want of responsibility. These were the evils which taught all men who saw and felt its practical effects to condemn the institution. But while we discover and condemn these defects, we should act unwisely to forego the advantages which must result from an establishment on principles in some respects dissimilar. In the War Department, there should be found experience and military skill suffi cient to perform with promptitude and accuracy the important duties which devolved on the board of war in the revolution. You should not diminish the quantum of talents which is to give vigor to national action, And, sir, in what manner can you provide more effectually to combine talents, responsibility, and uniformity, than by passing the bill on your table. These Secretaries are to aid and assist the Secretary at War; they are to act under his immediate direction; he will alone be responsible to the country, and you will be benefitted by the assistance of two able military men, each of whom will have a separate & distinct duty assigned to him in the war office, and thereby relieve the head of the department from that pressure of business to which no man is equal. Sir, when your army is in motion, what should be the employment of the Secretary at War? His time will be almost entirely oceupied in superintending arrangements, and directions to those who are to execute his orders; he will have no leisure to devote to the details of business. In such a state of things, I ask gentlemen, whether abundant reason does not exist for the passage of this bill? Sir, we are changing from a state of peace to that of war. In a nation long accustomed to peaceful habits-a people divided in opinion-this operation is not easily effected. It requires time-it requires talents and perseverance; not the talents of one man only, but of many. And when it is urged as an objection to this bill, that a due degree of responsibility will not be secured, let

gentlemen make the comparison and see,whether the Secretaries contemplated will not be responsible in the same manner that the different members of the cabinet are to the president? And the chief officer in the war department will be accountable to the country in the same manner that the chief magistrate is now answerable for the official conduct of his secretaries.

Mr. Grundy observed that no other plan, he believed, could be suggested, by which to give efficiency to the war department, and at the same time render a single individual responsible for the man. agement of the whole business.

Under these impressions he should vote for the bill in its present form, and against any amendment which would tend to a destruction of the principles upon which the bill was founded.

Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS observed he had voted against the motion of the gentleman from Connecticut to strike out assistant secretaries and insert clerks, because, if carried, he could not see how the evils he apprehended would grow out of the proposed alterations in the war department, or those suggested by the gentleman would in any wise be remedied-It was not to the title given these sub-officers he objected, but to their creation. Their duties and power being defined by law, would be precisely the same, whether they were called clerks or assistant secretaries---the provisions of the bill therefore could not be less objectionable if amended, as pro- . posed by the gentleman, than they now stand, as reported by the select committee. He considered the only true remedy----the most expeditious as well as fair course was to strike out the first section altogether. He opposed the proposition for creating two under secretaries with great reluctance; but the more he considered the subject, the more satisfactorily was he convinced that it was neither expedient or necessary. Indeed, sir, it was with great distrust of his own judgment, and solicitude to be convinced of its necessity, that his attention had been directed to the subject. The chairman, who reported the bill, had put into his hands an official paper from the secretary of war, stating the facts which ought to induce the establishment of these additional officers in his department.

[Mr. Harper objected, that although the paper was furnished the the committee, it was not official.]

Mr. Williams continued, that if the gentleman had the least objection to his reading the paper, or considered that it was in the slightest possible degree improper, he would cheerfully abstain from it. Mr. W. then read the paper containing a condensed view of the military establishment, its progressive increase since 1802, and the respective branches of occupation incident to it; together with an enumeration of the various duties heretofore performed by the Secretary of war-in themselves very important and laborious, and requiring the energies of a mind abstracted from all other considerations: But unfortunately, Mr. W. said he could not shut his eyes to this remarkable declaration in the paper; not so remarkable for its truth,

as its introduction there, that "the detailed and not the general duties have caused the embarrassment." With this declaration before him, and in the hand-writing of the secretary himself, how was it possible to believe the persons necessary for the discharge of general, not detail duties, were those that were required? Here Mr. W. entered at large into an examination of the general and detail duties of the department and by whom respectively performed-if, said he, there were more persons wanted to perform these detail duties, I would most cheerfully vote for them, provided they were not created in a manner that would embarrass and disorganise, instead of assisting the department. These officers being appointed by the president and approved by the Senate would, in a great degree, be → independent of the head of the department-as such, he could not but apprehend instead of refusing life, energy and promptness, they would create indecision, uncertainty and discord in the department, and, by dividing, weaken the responsibility. He believed the performance of the various and multiplied branches of duty, in the best appointed and largest military institutions of Europe, depend on one individual head to each-but if we are not to look to Europe, for examples, he considered our own experience would not justify the proposition. There were certainly many present who do recollect the disadvantages of a "board of war" during the revolution, which we all know, notwithstanding the modifications it received, was finally abolished, and under the patronage of the father of his country, a single secretary established in its stead. When one of the great departments of government is about to be changed, disorganised he would say, it surely is desirable to resort to the experience of past time, and to consider well the authority for the present establishment, before we break it down, in doing which none of us may be able to anticipate the mischiefs which may result therefrom.

But if these officers are not to be independent of the principal secretary, but altogether subservient to him, the salaries are enormous. In that case, they are mere clerks to perform the details of the office, and not to preside over northern and southern departments, as suggested by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nelson.) The gentleman seems to insinuate, that I do not understand the provisions of the bill. It is not material to determine, whether the fault is in it or myself; but surely if it were more unlike his speech, partaking less of unity and trinity and trinity and unity, its perspicuity would sustain no injury.

Mr. Williams said, he considered it worse than false economy, so to restrict the number of clerks in a department, as to make it necessary that the secretary should perform other duties than those of a general nature. Hence it follows, that any man of arrangement and system, sufficient for the correct regulation of a corps of 10,000 men, may direct an army of superior force. But it has been contended, that as the military establishment has been increased