ART. 11. In all cases where the laws now pronounce fine and imprisonment from press offences, the former shall only be inflicted. The amount shall be, for journals subject to caution-money, the fifteenth part of that sum as a minimum and one-half as a maximum. For jouruals not subject to caution-money the minimum shall be 500 francs, and the maximum 10,000 fraues. Art 463 shall not be applicable. ART. 12. Any person comdemned for press offences can be suspended by the judgment of condemnation during a period not exceeding five years from the exercise of his electoral rights. ART. 13. A condemnation for crime committed by the press involves de jure the suppression of the journal of which the gérant has been sentenced. In the case of a second offence, within two years from the first condemnation, the tribunals can pronounce the suspension of a journal for a period of not less than a fortnight nor more than two months. A suspension of from two to six months may be pronounced for a third condemnation within the delay just mentioned. The same may be produced by a first condemnation, if incurred for provocation to one of the crimes provided for by Arts. 86, 87, and 91 of the Penal Code. During the whole period of the suspension, the caution-money shall remain lodged in the treasury and cannot be otherwise employed. ART. 14. The provisional execution of the sentence pronouncing the suspension or suppression of a journal can by a special provision be ordered, notwithstanding opposition or appeal to the court of cassation. It shall be the same for lodging the fine, without prejudice to the enactments of Arts. 29, 30, and 31 of the decree of February 17, 1852. In case of provisional execution pronounced by the tribunal of correctional police, the person condemned even by default can at once appeal; and the court must decide within a period of three days. ART. 15. The occupations of printers and of booksellers are exempted from any obligation to have a special authorization. No printer or bookseller can establish or change the place of his business, any more than his warehouses, without having made a previous declaration at Paris, to the prefecture of police, and in the departments at the prefecture. The said declaration must state the locality in which is to be established either the printing-plant or the warehouses. The nou-observance of the previous declaration will entail on the owner or gérant an imprisonment of- from one month to two years and a fine of from 3,000 francs to 10,000 francs. In addition the establishment shall he closed. ART. 16. Are abrogated Arts. 1, 24, and 32 of the decree of February 17, 1852; Art. 11 of the law of October 21, 1814; the decree of March 22, 1852; and generally all provisions of anterior laws contrary to the present bill. The rest of the day was taken up with the consideration of the customs bill, the discussion on which not being terminated, was adjourned until after the interpellations on the foreign policy of the government. Mr. Dix to Mr. Seward. No. 57.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Paris, March 18, 1867. SIR: In a conversation with the Marquis de Moustier a few days ago, he referred to the approaching evacuation of Mexico by the French corps d'armée there. He then spoke of the unfortunate condition of that country, and of the hope which had been entertained that some agreement would have been made between the United States and France, with a view to establish a stable government there before the French forces were withdrawn. As his allusion to the subject was in the nature of a regret for the failure of an expectation which had been entirely abandoned, I did not deem myself called on to make any answer except that our principle had always been to abstain from all interference with the internal affairs of independent states. He said the difficulty we had in uniting in such a measure was understood. I considered his reference to the subject as an acquiescence in your reply to Mr. Berthemy on the 17th ultimo, of which he must have been advised, and I cannot doubt the earnest desire of the Emperor to cut entirely loose, at the earliest possible day, from all his Mexican complications. I cannot close without congratulating you on the success of your policy in regard to this delicate question, the wisdom of which is so triumphantly vindicated by the result. I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. JOHN A. DIX Mr. Dix to Mr. Seward. No. 62. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I enclose the translation of a paragraph from Mr. Rouher's speech in reply to Mr. Thiers, which is not without interest as an exposition of the views of the French government, at this juncture, on the question of the balance of power. It seems to me that it may be regarded as a renunciation of the right, claimed by Mr. Guizot in 1845, in behalf of France, "to protect by the authority of her name the independence of States and the equilibrium of the great political forces in America." In a speech in the Senate of the United States, in 1846, I combated this pretension, and discussed somewhat elaborately the whole doctrine of the balance of power as asserted and practiced in Europe. The position of Mr. Guizot was virtually reassumed in behalf of the Latin race in the Mexican expedition; and it was not inappropriate that a pretension which was a mere theory in its inception, and which was very unfortunate in its first application to practice, should, on the failure and final abandonment of that expedition, be ignored in an elaborate discussion, and the question of maintaining the balance among the great powers of the earth treated as a problem concerning the whole family of nations, and not those of a single quarter of the globe. Mr. Rouher's position in regard to the people of western Europe is entirely defensive, and it is this which constitutes its chief significance. It is worthy of consideration whether it differs very essentially from the Monroe doctrine, the spirit of which is that there ought to be no interference by European powers with the independent states of America; and whether we may not congratulate ourselves that our policy in regard to the western hemisphere has, theoretically at least, the countenance of an authority equally eminent for great talents and high official station. At all events, we may be quite confident that there will be no continuation of it in the future. Under any view of the subject it is very gratifying that France, with whom our relations are of the most friendly character, should, through her distinguished minister of state, have made it a question for our successors, by referring it to a distant future. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Extract from Mr. Rouher's speech. We have said, in glancing at a distant future, which no one of us is destined to see, a day will come when the vast domains of Russia will be more densely peopled; when America, the development of which is constantly increasing, will overcome that space of 3,000 miles of ocean which separates us from her to day, for you have said yourselves that the sea brings nations nearer to each other instead of keeping them further apart; a day will come when our concern will be not for the equilibrium of Europe, but for the equilibrium of the world-a day when the great powers may perhaps desire to play the part of dominators. Then a natural feeling will bring together the people of the west and unite them in opposition to the threatening invasion. *Mr. Rouher means the west of Europe.-J. A. D. No. 74.] Mr. Dix to Mr. Seward. Legation of the United States, Paris, April 26, 1867. SIR: I have abstained from writing to you officially in regard to the war rumors with which the political atmosphere of Europe has been rife for the last sixty days, except by an allusion to the subject in my despatch No. 65. My chief reason was, that I entertained, against the general current of opinion, the confident hope that peace would be preserved. I have not relinquished this hope At the same time, it is right to state that some of the most distinguished and experienced members of the diplomatic corps, whom I met yesterday at the department of foreign affairs, entertain the greatest apprehensions of war at an early day. now. The exciting cause at this moment is the Luxembourg question, which is now under consideration by the great powers. A few days ago the chances were that it would be settled by the evacuation of the fortress by Prussia, on the express condition that it should not be ceded to France. As the States journal of Holland (les Pays Bas) disclaims it, this arrangement would virtually secure the self government of the Grand Duchy, or, as the diplomacy of Europe rather pedantically says, its autonomy. Another proposition is, that it shall be annexed to Belgium, which has already a part of the former Grand Duchy. There was a hope that the matter would be settled this week, in anticipation of the meeting of the Prussian Parliament on Monday next, the 29th; but a telegraphic despatch this morning announces that Bismarck will not act without consulting the Chambers. As the susceptibilities of the Germans are greatly excited, it is feared that the question will be made more difficult of solution by a legislative discussion. govern Mr. Jules Favre moved yesterday in the Corps Legislatif a call on the ment for information on the subject; and the feeling in France is quite as much excited as in Prussia. I have, notwithstanding the bad aspect of things, not relinquished the hope already expressed that the general peace will be maintained. But the ocean telegraph renders speculation on questions which, from their nature, must ripen into an early maturity, nearly useless; and before this despatch reaches you, the prevailing doubt will, in all probabili y, be put at rest. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. JOHN A. DIX. Mr. Dix to Mr. Seward. No. 75.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I use the open mail to-day, without waiting for the despatch bag of the 3d proximo, to communicate a translation of an editorial article in the Moniteur of this morning, which strongly confirms the opinion I expressed in my despatch No. 74 of Friday last, in regard to the maintenance of peace in Europe. The first reassuring intelligence was received on Friday night, a few hours after my despatch was written; and although the speech of King William to the Prussian Parliament yesterday makes no allusion to the Luxembourg question, no unfavorable inference has been drawn from his silence. The speech was published here last evening, and the article in the Moniteur would hardly have appeared if it had been the subject of unfriendly interpretation. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, yours, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. JOHN A. DIX. [From the Moniteur, April 30, 1867.-Translation.] At the time when late events relative to the Duchy of Luxembourg had given rise to apprehensions for the maintenance of peace, the French army in consequence of reductions effected in 1865 had fallen below its established effective strength. In addition the corps of occupa tion of Mexico in returning to France had left in America 7,000 horses, of which 3,000 were draught horses, which it was indispensable to replace. It was therefore the duty of the government to take measures of precaution. These have consisted in raising the strength of the regiment, in buying a certain number of horses, and in putting the frontier forts in a state of defence. The pacific news of the last few days have determined the Emperor to order that no new measures be taken, with a view to give public opinion no pretext for excitement nor to diminish the hopes of peace. Thus the number of horses to be bought will be limited to what is absolutely necessary, and soldiers on leave, and who were to have been recalled, will be permitted to remain at home. Mr. Seward to Mr. Dix. No. 65.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, May 1, 1867. SIR: Your despatch No. 62 has been received. I am especially pleased with the attention you have shown in giving an extract from a recent speech of Mr. Rouher, in which he forecasts a political future of nations and continents, which no one of us is destined to see, and which, nevertheless, is apparently certain. It is pleasant to observe that statesmen in the two hemispheres are coming to an agreement upon the principle that the right to exercise influence by the direct intervention in the affairs of foreign States has its limitation in the exactions prescribed by a real necessity for self defence. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JOHN A. DIX, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Dix to Mr. Seward. No. SO.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have the honor to enclose a translation published in Galignani to-day of the report made in person by the Marquis de Moustier to the Senate yesterday, of the proceedings and the result of the London conference on the Luxembourg question. I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. JOHN A. DIX. [From Galignani's Messenger, May 14, 1867.] The Senate held a sitting yesterday by special convocation to receive a communication from the government. M. Troplong, who filled the chair, gave directions to have the minister of foreign affairs introduced. The Marquis de Moustier then appeared, and ascending the tribune, said: "GENTLEMEN: The conference of London has terminated its labors. The plenipotentiaries, assembled on the 7th of this month, signed on the 11th the treaty which determines in a definitive manner the international situation of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. The French government had been for a long time preocupied with the state of indecision in which a question so important to the security of our frontiers remained. Whether that security should be assured by a union of the Grand Duchy to France or by any other combination, the capital point for us was that Prussia, in the new situation created for her by the late European changes, should not preserve, beyond her own limits and contrary to all international right, a military establishment which constituted an eminently offensive position in regard to ourselves. "We were authorized to hope that our friendly relations with the cabinet of Berlin would prepare a favorable solution, for our intention has always been to respect the just susceptibilities of Prussia, and to admit in a question which had in our eyes à European character a frank examination of treaties and of the interest of the great powers. "We hastened to express ourselves in that sense, and to remove by that declaration all ground of conflict. The powers opened amongst themselves the preparatory negotiations, in which we declined to intervene, with a just feeling of reserve and moderation. To all the questions that were addressed to us, we replied that we would accept any solution compatible with our security and dignity that the cabinets might recommend for our adoption as likely to consolidate the peace of Europe. "We cannot proclaim too loudly how marked a spirit of impartiality and how great a desire to attain a practicable and honorable arrangement were manifested by the powers in the task which they had proposed to themselves. After the exchange of ratifications, the government will publish the text of the treaty which has been signed, but is enabled even now to indicate the principal provisions. "The preamble of this diplomatic act sets forth that the King of Holland, Grand Duke of Luxembourg, taking into consideration the change brought about in the situation of the Grand Duchy, in consequence of the dissolution of the ties which attached it to the old Germanic confederation, had invited the Emperor of Austria, the King of the Belgians, the Emperor of the French, the Queen of Great Britain, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia to give directions to their representatives to hold a conference in Londor, so as to come to an understanding with the plenipotentiaries of the King Grand Duke on the new arrangements to be adopted in the general interests of peace. "The sovereigns accepted the invitation and resolved by common accord to accede to the desire manifested by the King of Italy to take part in a deliberation destined to offer a new pledge of security for the maintenance of general tranquillity. "The Grand Duke declared that he maintained the ties which connected the Grand Duchy with the house of Orange-Nassau, and that declaration was accepted, and due note taken of the same. The Grand Duchy has been declared a neutral state, and its neutrality has been placed under the sanction of the collective guarantee of the powers siguing, with the exception of Belgium, which is itself a country in that position. "It was agreed besides that the town of Luxembourg should cease to be a fortified place, and that the King Grand Duke should reserve to himself the duty of maintaining there the number of troops necessary to watch over the preservation of public order. "The King of Prussia declared in consequence that his troops now in garrison in the fortress should receive orders to proceed to the evacuation of the place immediately after the exchange of the ratifications. The measure will be commenced by the simultaneous removal of the artillery and munitions, and during that operation, which will be completed as rapidly as possible, there will only remain in the fortress the number of troops indispensable for the safe transmission of the war material. "The Grand Duke on his part undertook to adopt the measures necessary for converting the place into an open town, by means of a demolition such as he might judge sufficient to fulfil the intentions of the powers. Those operations will commence immediately after the retirement of the garrison, and will be carried out with all the precautions required by the interest of the inhabitants. 66 'The ratifications are to be exchanged in the space of four weeks as a maximum. "This treaty responds fully to the views of the French government. It puts an end to a situation created against us in days of adversity and maintained for fifty years; it gives to our northern frontier the guarantee of a new neutral state. "It insures to the King of Holland, Grand Duke of Luxembourg, an entire independence. "It not only suppresses the causes of an imminent conflict, but gives besides new gauges for the consolidation of good relations with our neighbors and for the peace of Europe. |