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involves the grossest injustice to working men. Again, a poor man willing to work frequently cannot get work, and the present system compels him and his family to starve, although directly across the way may be storehouses and granaries bursting with provision. Sound morality demands that an end should be put to this state of things. It is claimed that the principle of human brotherhood is equally outraged by the present industrial system. A genuine fraternal feeling is not compatible with the monstrous inequalities and suffering which exist in society.

4. The political finger, which is the more recent and prominent on the socialistic hand, points to the State as the only power capable of introducing and sustaining the new industrial order. The central idea of the present order is self-interest. Certain individuals, by luck or pluck, it matters not which, get control of machinery and all other means of production, and dictate terms to laborers, which want compels them to accept. In the pursuit of self-interest the laws unjustly favor the capitalist. True, equal freedom is allowed the laborer to pursue his own selfinterest; but he is poor or dull, and freedom neither feeds the hungry nor makes the weak strong. It is now for the first time in the history of the world demonstrated, that perfect legal freedom among equals results in the most cruel oppression of the weak. Socialists demand, therefore, that individuals shall relinquish, and the State assume, the ownership and control of all land, machinery, railroads, telegraph-lines, etc. In other words, private capital, not private property such as furniture, clothing, books, pictures, statuary, food, and other species of property designed for one's own use and enjoyment, but private capital, which is property employed in business, shall become the common property of the whole people. The State would thus become a great industrial establishment.

5. The last finger is the religious.

The early and later history of Socialism reveals an intense religious spirit among its advocates. French socialists in 1850 placed upon the walls of their assembly rooms a picture of Christ with this inscription, "Jesus of Naza


reth the First Representative of the people." There were not wanting socialistic leaders who, incensed at the sufferings of the poor and the indifference of the church, bitterly denounced Christianity and even blasphemed the name of God; but it was not the Christianity nor the God of the Bible, but rather of a church which had perverted the religion of Christ and fallen into the idolatry of mammon and caste. Repeatedly in the assemblies of workmen has the name of Christ been greeted with cheers and the mention of the church with hisses. The principles which underlie Socialism and are its sure foundation are most literal transcripts from the New Testament. Among these principles are equality, fraternity, and love.

The recent powerful impulse given to Socialism, both in Europe and America, is due to the recognition of its identity with the Christian religion. Socialism resembles Christianity in eight particulars.

1. It is cosmopolitan, embracing all men everywhere. Christianity says, God has made of one blood all nations, and is no respecter of persons. The statutes of "The International Workingmen's Association" says its cause is not local or national, but social, and embraces all countries, and that they "Recognize truth, right, and morality as the basis of their conduct toward one another and their fellowmen, without respect to color, creed, or nationality." 2 Socialism therefore, like Christianity, aims to be a world movement.

2. Socialism is also the friend of education. It demands "compulsory education of all children under fourteen years of age." It cannot admit of doubt that under Socialism the more general diffusion of knowledge would be realized. 3. Equality as taught in the Bible is more honored in Socialism than in the Christian church itself. Babeuf declared nearly one hundred years ago that, "The aim of society is the happiness of all, and happiness consists in equality." It cannot be denied that the church stops far short of the kind and degree of equality which Christ requires.

1 As quoted in "French and German Socialism" (Ely), p. 146.
2 "French and German Socialism," p. 21.

4. Socialism insists that the true idea of wealth is not for private emolument, but for the benefit of society. Christianity also says, "Let no man seek his own, but each his neighbor's good."

5. Socialism asks for a recognition of social justice. Commercial justice, as now conceived and administered, is crushing and cruel to the weak. It says to them, "The inexorable laws of trade have fixed prices; give this and take that, however much you may suffer by the transaction." This is law, but not equity; "justice, not tempered with mercy." Socialists, therefore, demand the adoption of social or equitable justice between man and man. Christianity also says "Bear ye one another's burdens, and so fulfil the law of Christ."1

6. Socialism would have all individuals in society capable of work engaged in socially useful labor. Persons not so engaged are unjustly eating bread earned by the sweat of another's brow and have no moral right to live. Christianity also says, "If any would not work neither should he eat." 2

7. Socialists have unceasingly demanded that the State should prohibit all work on Sunday. Christianity also requires the Sabbath day to be kept holy. It is a significant fact that a body of merely social reformers should come to the rescue of the Christian Sabbath, which a capitalistic Christianity, blinded by the mad pursuit of wealth, is rapidly secularizing.

8. The principle of co-operation, not necessarily the method, is eminently Christian. We need no citation from Scripture to show that mutual helpfulness and protection are the very essence of the gospel.

In these and other respects, Socialism presents a marked resemblance to Christianity. The advocates of Socialism have not always shown a Christian spirit in their methods of propaganda. Capitalistic writers, in opposing Socialism, make the most of the intemperate and inflammatory speeches of certain so-called Socialist leaders of the past, thereby filling their readers with prejudice against Socialism itself.

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It is gravely objected that Socialism would be hostile to Christianity, to republican government, to marriage, and other domestic relations essential to the welfare of society. We shall consider these objections at length in a subsequent chapter. Suffice it now to say, that if Socialism is hostile to Christianity, then Christianity is opposed to itself. It is difficult to see how republicanism can be injured by extending its principle to industry. It is a large faith in God that yields large faith in men.

It was such a faith that founded this Republic. It is the unrighteousness of capitalism that has destroyed the faith of multitudes. Unless men had faith in a higher power than the State, the work of their own hands, the political freedom which we now enjoy would have been a thing unknown. The statue of civil liberty has for its pedestal a group of motives, aspirations, and hopes that spring from a belief in an infinite, eternal, and holy God. Once destroy this belief in a power above man, and you start him on the road to anarchy and barbarism. Socialism is a distinct and progressive recognition of the principles of republicanism, as derived from the law of God.

Socialism, far from affecting unhappily family life, would certainly make it possible for families now broken up and destroyed by capitalism to be united and happy. It is capitalism that drives women and children into mills and mines; that sends from the protection of homes and parents young girls to seek their bread and meet their ruin in cities; that has so increased divorce as to startle all thoughtful men; that has raised the question, "Is marriage a failure?" and that to-day menaces the institution of home, and thus threatens the very foundations of society.

The Socialism of to-day exalts the home and marriage as divine institutions, and is not to be judged by the offensive utterances of unprincipled leaders, one of whom, a German, and a member of the Reichstag, said, "That under Socialism, the woman needs no longer, out of respect to her children, to be legally chained to one man. Utterances like these, which are detested by modern

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1 Quoted by Woolsey in "Communism and Socialism," p. 257.

Socialism, are quoted by capitalistic writers, and made the basis of long and serious dissertations showing how Socialism tends to destroy the family. Socialism utterly repudiates the violent language of a certain class of revolutionary Socialists who have now for the most part gone over to Anarchism, where they belong. They applied epithets to capitalists so false and fiendish as to offend all rightminded people, such as "The Grand larcenists of America," "the slimy vampires of capitalism," "bloated bondholders," "robbers," "the entire legal fraternity, soldiers, police, spies, judges, sheriffs, priests, preachers, quackdoctors," etc., are "lice, leeches, vampires, and vermin.”1 They openly advocated destruction and murder in such incendiary language as, "Hurrah for science, hurrah for dynamite, the power which in our hands shall make an end of tyranny." "We have no moment to waste. Arm! I say, to the teeth. The revolution is upon you.” "Kill, destroy, annihilate your aristocracy and bourgeoisie to the last man." "Whether one uses dynamite, a revolver, or a

rope, is a matter of indifference."

The press and public catch up these inflammatory utterances, writers against Socialism eagerly seize upon and parade them with telling effect, and the result is, that when Socialism is named, the average American citizen thinks of the Chicago anarchists and disposes of all Socialists with the exclamation, "A hideous band of conspirators!" Nothing could be more indiscriminate or unjust. It is as unjust as if one should judge the anti-slavery movement by the erratic and fanatic action of John Brown at Harper's Ferry. Socialism regards capitalists and other classes here assailed as among the most worthy and honorable members of society. Capitalists, even the millionnaires, are no more responsible for capitalism than are paupers. It is the system that is at fault, and not individual members or classes. Socialism abhors the violent methods of these fanatics. It is peaceful and law abiding. It puts its trust in ballots rather than in bombs.

Many admit that Socialism has made a right diagnosis of

1 "The Labor Movement in America" (Ely), p. 235.

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