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others, unconscious of the essential selfishness of such a course, and whose manner of life is so different from those by the sweat of whose brow they are clothed and fed, that they have as little in common with them as though they belonged to another race of beings. To this entire class, which in our own country at least is rapidly increasing, it would be a "blessing big with mercy" if, instead of the aimlessness, the vanity, the ennui, of a life forced upon them by a system of which they are the innocent though unconscious victims, a useful and ennobling occupation should engage their attention; useful, because helpful to others; ennobling, because it gives one the consciousness of worth, a sense of true dignity arising from the desire to make the world better off because one is living in it.

Republican Rome can teach the nineteenth century a useful lesson. A boy walked beside the Roman woman on her wedding-march bearing a basket containing a hank of wool, spindle, and distaff. Spinning was the jewel in the crown of the Roman matron of the republic.

It is objected that the State would not be able to compel the indolent, the shiftless, and the obstinate to labor. Mr. Cook says of "Looking Backward," "It encourages Socialism and Communism by stimulating the hopes of the shiftless and the vicious." 1

It is sufficient to reply that such people could not exist under Socialism. It would be so hot for them that they would "say to the mountains, fall on us; and to the hills, cover us." When society is so constituted that bread depends upon work, which is always to be had and waiting, men will work. Hunger is a strong motive. There may be some who would rather die than work, and it is certain that neither nature nor revelation has made any provision for the mundane existence of such people.

Other powerful incentives to work would exist in the Socialistic state. The well-being and glory of the State would be at stake.

The weak, the sick, the aged, would have to be provided 1"The Congregationalist," Feb. 2, 1890.

for, but patriotism and philanthropy are among the strongest motives to human effort. When the only or principal way to express these motives is by labor, few would venture to object to it. Not to work would be to insult the flag and to proclaim one's self a hater of his neighbor.

But if the authority of the State should be needed to compel work, it does not appear why such authority could not be as effectively exercised as it now is in collecting taxes, or in securing the faithful services of its soldiers. It is a rare occurrence when a citizen escapes taxation or an able-bodied soldier refuses to "fall in."

III.- Laborers no longer exploited by Means of Money-wages.

"The produce of labor constitutes the natural recompense or wages of labor.". ADAM SMITH.

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We have seen that money is a medium of exchange, a substitute for commodities. This enables the employer to pay the laborer in money instead of in the commodities which he produces. This latter method is called payment in kind the laborer receives a number of bushels or yards which are a part of the entire product. He knows how much he receives and how much the employer receives. On the other hand, when paid in money, he is utterly in the dark as to the employer's share. Under modern methods of production, and especially in consequence of the minute subdivisions of labor, whereby many laborers produce commodities for which they themselves have no need, moneywages almost every where prevail. The exploitation of the laborer proceeds from the fact that labor is treated as a commodity and has two values value in use, and value in exchange. The exchange value of labor is what it sells for, which is the wage received. The use value is what it really earns what the employer receives for it. In the process of production the raw material itself does not increase in value. It has assumed a new form, but labor has given the form. It is the labor, therefore, that is worth more than has been paid for it. The wool wrought into a

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given quantity of cloth is worth no more as wool than before it was made into cloth.

The manufacturer, therefore, makes nothing on the raw material, but only on the labor which he buys and sells. Now, to make money out of the flesh and blood of a brother man is simply shocking. It would not be one whit worse to open his veins and draw out a portion of his blood. The values in all just exchanges must be equivalent.

If the laborer does not receive all he earns, he is robbed. Luther was a Socialist when he said, "Whoever takes more or better than he gives, that is usury, and is not service, but wrong done to his neighbor, as when one steals and robs." No logic, no sophistry, no custom, no plea of necessity, no power on earth or in heaven, can make it right for one man to thrive at the expense of another. The laborer is compelled to take the exchange value for his labor. He would gladly get the use value, but he cannot, because all the means of production are in the hands of capitalists. So long as he is paid in money wages this exploitation will, nay, must, go on.

Socialism would abolish money-wages. Laborers would receive from the State in whose employ they were all needed goods; and, what is of the last importance, they would receive all the produce of their labor consistent with social justice.

IV. - Justice in Taxation.

"Taxation involves the disclosure of every man's private affairs, and thrusts official hands into private pockets."- PROFESSOR WILLIAM W. FOLWELL.

It is doubtful whether any institution connected with the existing order of capitalism is open to more serious criticism than its system of taxation. Taxation is based on the principle that each citizen should contribute to the maintenance of the State in proportion to his property. The amount of this property, however, unless it be real, the assessors have no means of ascertaining, and the

average tax-payer is not disposed to make a full and fair statement. The law, indeed, in certain States, allows a man to withhold information from the assessors, but only at the peril of having no redress unless he can show that he has been assessed too much by at least one-half.

The result is a sharp inquisition on the part of the assessors, and a hesitating, prevaricating, and lying course on the part of the tax-payer; and when the work is completed, and taxes are paid, every one knows that the grossest inequality and unfairness have taken place. The magnitude of this evil is co-extensive with the system of taxation. Its effect upon public and private morality is disastrous.

An article in one of our ablest journals on "The Moral Basis of Tax-paying" significantly asks, "How many of us would find it quite easy to explain to a Sunday-school class, for instance, just what and why he personally does, or does not do, as to paying taxes? The boys in our schools, however, are not ignorant in this matter.

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So seared is the public conscience as to the payment of taxes, that the boys look forward to getting the best of the tax-collector as the privilege, if not the duty, of a free man. It occasions little surprise to be told that the man who gave millions to found a boys' industrial school "held securities taxable by the State amounting to $3,750,000, and yet paid taxes on only $67,500." The difference between these sums is $3,682,500. It thus appears that this gentleman owned and was protected in the enjoyment of $3,682,500, on which he paid not one penny by way of taxes. The enormous injustice of this is seen, if we consider that this is equivalent to 3,682 men, each owning property to the amount of $1,000 and evading all taxation. whatever. People once accustomed to inhale noisome fumes soon become oblivious to the malodor. If the disgraceful and dishonest evasion of the payment of taxes is not a stench in the nostrils of society, it is because society has become so accustomed to breathe the foul atmosphere as to be no longer sensitive to it. It is estimated that the value of the personal property in Boston is four times that of

the real estate, while it is assessed for only one-fourth as much.

The mystery of iniquity involved in this system is inseparably connected with the present capitalistic régime. The average tax-payer is afflicted with moral paralysis that is traditional and even respectable. Who ever heard of a man losing caste in society or church because he had succeeded in cheating the government out of half his taxes? It would be an immense gain to the cause of morals and religion if the whole demoralizing system of taxation could be swept out of existence; and this the Socialistic state would do.

If the State is sole capitalist and employer, it would simply retain such part of its product as would be necessary to defray the expenses of government. Individuals would have no taxes to pay, and hence none to evade. The vast army of tax assessors and collectors would be disbanded and converted into producers. The socially righteous principle, each for all, would be recognized as the corner-stone of a true social ystem. It would thus be possible to answer in the negative the question asked in the article above referred to: "Can any one with selfrespect accept daily and hourly the benefit of protection, safety, comfort of streets, lights, drainage, sewerage, police, schools, roads, fire-engines, and the rest and let his neighbors pay his share?"

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"Judge, so long as there is eight cents profit on a ten-cent drink, you will never stop the liquor traffic." - Liquor Seller about to be sentenced.

It is conceded that the liquor traffic is the most gigantic evil that now preys upon society. Wise men stand aghast at its enormous proportions and appalling results. It perplexes statesmen and legislators. The frightful stątistics continually spread before us yield but a faint idea of the waste and wickedness, the cruelty and crime, caused by it. According to Mr. Gladstone, the liquor traffic has cost more money and misery in Great Britain than wars, pesti

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