Puslapio vaizdai
PDF
„ePub“

decreasing birth-rate is pointing to the time when the retention, as far as possible, of every man, woman, and child, within the Empire, shall be deemed desirable, even at the cost of free passages. Australia, it is well known, has suffered a continuous and somewhat alarming falling off in the birth-rate. England, in a lesser degree, is passing through the same experience. For example, in 1866 the birthrate was 35.8 per thousand; in 1901 it had fallen to 28.5. Realising this, it would seem a wise policy for this country to anticipate events by seriously considering how to "facilitate the means of emigration," and how to retain, as far as practicable, within the boundaries of the Empire every British man and woman.

In the opinion of those who are well qualified to speak, a regular service between British ports by steamers excelling in speed those which now cross the Atlantic, would constitute an important step in the interests of both Great Britain and Canada. For some twenty years past a proposal for the establishment of a fast line of steamers between England and Canada has been under consideration. The Canadian Government has offered a subsidy up to £150,000 per annum, and the British Govern. ment have in the past been willing to assist. By an agreement made last year between the British Government and the Cunard Steamship Company, it is provided that the company shall construct, if possible, steamers which shall be capable of maintaining a minimum average ocean speed of 24 to 25 knots an hour in moderate weather. The British Government advance the Cunard Company up to £2,600,000 at 2 per cent. The justification for a similar concession in order to procure a service between British ports seems equally strong. The distance between Liverpool and a Canadian port-say Halifax-is 2,465 miles. Therefore, a vessel with a speed of twenty-five knots an hour would make the journey in a little over four days from port to port. From Galway to Halifax is 2,160 miles, and the same vessel could accomplish this journey in a little over three days and a half.

As you all know, the Atlantic passenger traffic has increased by leaps and bounds, and this increase is likely to be at least maintained. A very considerable proportion of these passengers is affected by sea sickness, and it may be fairly assumed that a majority of them would travel by a route which afforded a very considerable curtailment of misery. Then there would be business people to whom time was all important,

and altogether it may be assumed that with such a line of boats as has been indicated, a traffic-passenger and freight—would cross by the Canadian route, such as would, having regard for all the circumstances, be of incalculable value to British interests, and would put our alternative route to the East on a thoroughly satisfactory basis. When this proposed Canadian fast line does become an accomplished fact, let us hope that in each vessel a certain amount of passenger space will be available free to State-selected emigrants who desire to transfer themselves from the congested centres of England to the healthy life of the open prairie.

I have referred, in the earlier portion of my paper, to the growing goodwill which so happily exists between this country and the Dominion. But while this is true, it is also equally true that, in the opinion of leading Canadian statesmen, there are vital matters of high politics which require friendly adjustment. This became manifest in the announcement of the decision of the Alaska Boundary Tribunal last autumn. Canada, as we know, was sorely disappointed thereat; and while, I think, we may hope that the feeling of soreness is passing away, there is no doubt that that decision was responsible for bringing to the fore important questions as between Great Britain and Canada. When a discussion took place in the Canadian House of Commons on the Alaska boundary award, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the Premier of Canada, said :—

"I have often regretted also that we have not in our own hands the treaty-making powers which would enable us to dispose of our own affairs. But in this matter we were dealing with a position that was forced upon us-we have not the treaty-making power. I am sorry to say that the whole correspondence which we have had upon this question since 1899 has not yet been placed before Parliament; I am sorry not only that we have not the treaty-making power, but that we are not in such an independent position that it is in my power to place before Parliament the whole of the correspondence as it passed between the Canadian Government and the British Government. But we shall have that correspondence, and it will be placed before Parliament at the next Session-the whole of it, no matter what protest may come from abroad, we shall have the whole of it, and then this country may know exactly what has taken place, and what share of responsibility must rest upon each of the parties concerned in this matter. But we have no such power, our hands are tied to a large extent owing to the fact of our connection-which has its benefits but which has also its disadvantagesthe fact of our connection with the Mother Country

[blocks in formation]

The interview goes on as follows:

"I ventured to point out the obvious fact that such condition of affairs is inconsistent with Colonial status, and implies separation. Denying this, Sir Wilfrid explained in detail what was in his mind when, shortly after the promulgation of the judgment in the Alaska Boundary case, he fluttered diplomatic dovecotes by insisting on this new departure. He is careful to point out that it is not absolute power of treaty-making that the Dominion demands. Treaties will still be subject to the veto of the Sovereign, and if such veto be decreed, there is an end of the matter. "But Canada, he insists, must be permitted to arrange the preliminaries of all treaties affecting her trade and territory, leaving to the Sovereign the responsibility of vetoing the proposed arrangement, should be, acting on the advice of his Ministers, think it desirable in the interests of the Empire. Had Canada possessed such power prior to the constitution of the Court on the Alaskan Boundary, the inquiry would never have taken place with the collaboration of the three gentlemen who pleaded the cause of the United States before Lord Alverstone.

"Sir Wilfrid points out that there is nothing new in his demand. It is merely the resuscitation of an old cry. Twenty-one years ago, when Mr. Blake, now representing an Irish constituency at Westminster, was leader of the Liberal Party in the Dominion Parliament, he moved a resolution embodying the demand made by Sir Wilfrid when news reached Canada that all had been lost in the Court sitting in London. 'Nothing came of it then,' I observed. But something will come of it now, Sir Wilfrid positively affirmed. Canada is mightier, more populous by far than she was in 1888. There are to-day nearly six millions of people who believe with passionate conviction that they have the right to determine the course of matters relating to their commerce and their boundaries. However, we have convincing proof that the existing custom is persistently, fatally hostile to Canadian interests. In 1888 the question arose in connection with the Alabama claims. By the Fenian raid, organised and launched from the United States, Canada suffered more than did America from the depredations of the Alabama. Our Government of that day besought the Imperial Government to insert in the Washington Treaty a claim that would have brought the Canadian claims

under purview of the Court. England, afraid of offending the United States, turned a deaf ear to the plea, leaving her Colonies in the lurch. Much the same thing happened in respect of the boundary of Alaska. As I have said, had we had the power to arrange the preliminaries of inquiry with the United States, we should at once have put our foot down in protest against the appointment of three partisans to serve in the capacity of jurists, and the result of the inquiry would have been very different."

It does not appear from Sir Wilfrid Laurier's attitude that it is one Englishmen need be at all alarmed at. So recently as during the Governor-Generalship of Lord Dufferin, a Liberal Minister-Lord Kimberley- advised Lord Dufferin that it was not necessary for him to consult his Ministers except when it suited his purpose to do so. It was about this time when the Hon. Edward Blake, who was Minister of Justice, made a report upon which the Governor-General's instructions were amended. In regard to capital cases clemency was at one time vested in the GovernorGeneral, but this power was taken away and vested in the Executive. From time to time, in a variety of ways, the British Government has been strengthening the powers of the Canadian Government. Recognition has also been accorded the Dominion in the negotiation of all Treaties in which she was concerned. Increased freedom has undoubtedly made for increased goodwill. There is no proposal for separation, as some have attempted to prove, but simply for a reasonable extension of local autonomy. In the light

of past experience there is no reason to fear that anything but good will ensue from compliance with every reasonable request from a people of devoted loyalty and friendliness to your own.

A factor which is lending strength to Canada's request for treaty-making power, subject to the King, may be found in a retrospect of British diplomacy as it has affected Canada since 1878. Mr. T. Hodgins, K C., of Toronto, has been putting this very ably before his countrymen. In an article published some time ago in the Contemporary Review, he writes: :

"The diplomatic disasters through which Canada has lost some of the best agricultural portions of her original heritage explain why Canadians now look with intense anxiety for the just settlement of the Alaska Boundary controversy; for, as has been said by Sir Charles Dilke in bis Problems of Greater Britain,' it is a fact that British diplomacy has cost Canada dear."

[ocr errors]

In conclusion, I sincerely thank you for the patience with which you have listened to me. I have endeavoured during such odd moments as were at my disposal to deal with a few features of a country where I spent the most joyous years of my life, and if this paper shall have served to arouse any interest in it I shall feel amply repaid.

DISCUSSION.

The CHAIRMAN said that all who had been in Canada would be able to bear out the fact that the author had in no way exaggerated the enormous resources of that vast portion of the British Empire. But, unfortunately, all had not been to Canada, although, if the outline of the future with regard to rapid transit which Mr. Griffith had sketched was carried out, a trip to Canada would soon be little more than a week-end matter. He thought that those who were engaged in public affairs at the heart of the Empire could hardly be expected to perform their duties properly unless they made themselves personally acquainted with such a very closely adjoining portion of the British dominions. There was no doubt whatever about the enormous capacity of Canada in the supply of food for the Empire, and they all admired the artistic and thorough manner in which the author had demolished the pessimistic professor he had referred to. There were croakers everywhere who always decried everything which lay in the future, but the development of the Empire went on and made very short work of such forebodings. He had listened with great interest to the portion of the paper which dealt with emigration. There was no doubt England had been prodigal in past years in the manner in which she had poured out the greatest treasure which any Empire could possess. There had been a constant outflow of her sons and daughters which had been allowed to be diverted to foreign soil. The laissez faire regime of the past was hostile to any. thing like systematic emigration; but that age had passed away, in fact its passing bell was tolled in that very chamber a little while ago by the statesmen of both parties, who met together and discussed the question of cotton-growing within the Empire. It was agreed on all hands that the time of letting things alone had gone by, and it was necessary for all to join hands and take hold of great imperial problems, and bring their intelligence and will to bear on their solution. That was being done, not only by the Canadian Office and by Mr. Griffith personally, but by numerous emigration agencies, which carried out the work of systematic emigration in a surprisingly complete manner. The path of the intending emigrant was smoothed, and his, and, he might say, her way, made easy, for there was a very considerable number of women emigrants going out from the Mother Country. That was a necessity of the day

because although there was a preponderance of women population in Great Britain, there was a com. parative deficiency in the outlying parts of the British dominions. Canada herself was deficient in that respect, and required many thousands of women to provide helpmeets and better-halves for each of the males who was settled in Canada. Good wine needed no bush, and Canada really required no advocacy from anyone, so far as its merits were concerned, but as everybody had not been there it was necessary for those who had a long experience, such as the author, to hold up the attractive picture before the eyes of the public. That Mr. Griffith had done in a very businesslike and excellent way, and he was sure all heartily congratulated him on the paper, which would greatly assist in the work he was doing in keeping before the eyes of the Mother Country and the world the wonderful capacities of the granary of the Empire.

Mr. JOSEPH WALTON, M.P., thought there was no one who could speak cn such an important subject with greater knowledge and authority than the author. He (the speaker) had had the pleasure of learning something of Canada. In 1890 he leisurely travelled through Canada from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean; he repeated the journey in 1899, and, in the autumn of last year, he had the opportunity of attending the Congress of Chambers of Commerce of the Empire in Canada, and of travelling some 4,000 miles round the maritime provinces. In 1899 he was wonderfully impressed with the marvellous development that had been made in the previous nine years, but last year he was still more profoundly impressed by the still more rapid increase which had taken place in the development of the country and its industrial progress during the four years since his previous visit. He learnt that the commerce of Canada, in the four years ending last year, had increased more than in the preceding 20 years. There was no question as to the accuracy of the statements with regard to the marvellous resources of the great Canadian dependency. It was an object-lesson when one learnt that American farmers, to the number of about 50,000, had so realised the advantages which Canada offered agriculturally, that they had crossed over from the United States and settled themselves on the prairies of Canada. It was certain that on the virgin prairies of Canada, on which wheat could be grown for a generation without putting any manure into the land, that even at the present low prices wheat could be grown in Canada, and sent to this country at a handsome profit; and when one knew that 163 acres of land in the Far West would be transferred to any respectable emigrant over 21 years of age, at a cost of £2 only, be submitted it gave an opportunity to the industrious working men at home who had saved a little money to better themselves, and have a more prosperous future than in almost any other part of the British Empire. He deeply regretted that Canada was in danger of becoming Americanised. He would infinitely rather that the emigrants from this country

went to settle in Canada and elsewhere in the British Empire than in the United States or other foreign countries. All that was needed to secure that end was, he believed, that greater and more widespread knowledge of the enormous advantages and possibilities of the country should be circulated. His remarks applied not only to agriculture, but to the lumber industry. Lumber lands were being acquired by syndicates of United States capitalists, while they were practically unnoticed by British capitalists. In various industries, too, the moment the cute Yankee realised that there was a sufficient demand in Canada for a particular product, he immediately crossed over and established works in competition with English capitalists, and with the Canadians themselves. There were so many openings for the profitable investment of capital in Canada, that he thought it was of the highest importance they should be bronght more prominently before the investing public in this country. There was fruit cultivation, both in the maritime provinces and on the West Pacific Coast, which, when properly conducted, was found to be most prosperous. In the autumn of last year, when delegates went over to the Congress of Chambers of Commerce of the Empire, they had a magnificent demonstration of the enthusiastic loyalty of the Canadian people to the British Empire. They went there to study how they could strengthen the commercial relations and increase the trade between the Mother Country and Canada. He was bound to confess that the present trade relations were not satisfactory. England took from Canada 23 million pounds a year of produce and goods, and did not tax them a single penny, but unfortunately Canada still taxed the 10 million pounds worth of goods England sent to the tune of two millions a year. He hardly called that reciprocity or fair trade, and, though England was grateful to them for the one-third rebate off their import duty, it hoped that in the near future Canada would feel itself able to make a substantially greater rebate. Then in the matter of imperial defence, England was spending 66 million pounds this year, or £1 128. per head of the whole population; and beyond bearing the cost of their own militia, although the five million inhabitants of Canada enjoyed the benefit of that expenditure on imperial defence, he was sorry to say they did not give us any further contribution. Lord Brassey would be able to bear him out that there was a strong body of opinion in Canada that a reasonable contribution ought to be made. At the present moment Canada had infinitely the best of it so far as the trading were concerned, and in the matter of imperial defence, she received what might be regarded as a preferential tariff. With regard to the development of Canada, he suggested when he was out there that Canada should be ambitious enough to run a British Empire Exhibition five or six years hence. Canada was so prosperous when he was there that she had 13 million of dollars surplus in the exchequer, and the country was developing rapidly. A British Empire Exhibi

tion, with a fast line of steamers previously established between England and Canada, would do more for the development of trade between the two countries than possibly anything else. Personally, he would infinitely rather that the British Government gave a substantial subsidy to a fast line of steamers between England and Canada than that they should have given the subsidy they had to the Cunard Company to run steamers to American ports; and he hoped some change in that direction would take place. With regard to the Canadian bounty system, they had heard how the bounty system had strangled the sugar trade in the West Indies, but the proceedings that were taken to put a stop to it had not been altogether successful. He was sorry to find that last year additional bounty Bills were passed through the Canadian Parliament. He thought a 20 per cent. duty was quite a sufficient drawback against English manufacturers in competition with enterprising Canadian manufacturers, but when he learnt that the iron and steel manufactures of Canada would probably get two million of dollars bounty this year, he felt that that was a still further handicap which they would be glad to have removed. He believed in all fiscal matters being absolutely left in the hands of the Canadian Government; England preserved her right to make her own fiscal system, and Canada enjoyed the equal privilege of making her's; and, therefore, it was only by friendly reasoning, and by a consideration of all the pros and cons, that he thought relations might be arrived at which would be still more likely to promote increase of commerce between Canada and the Mother Country.

Lord BRASSEY, K.C.B., said that having had a long, personal, and hereditary connection with Canada, he always endeavoured to be present on any occasion when the interests of Canada were under review, and by his presence to show his sympathy with and his earnest desire for the advancement of that great territory. The author had referred to Canada's growing prosperity. He could say something on the subject from personal experience. Many years ago, for a purely philanthropic purpose, he acquired a considerable holding of land in the vicinity of Indian-head and Qu-appelle Railway Stations. He sent out several hundreds of emigrants, and undertook farming on a large scale. For many years he failed to find purchasers for the land which he desired to dispose of, but that difficulty, he was happy to say, had now been entirely removed. It did not command the prices to which Mr. Griffith had referred, but he believed he was gradually liquidating the situation, although he did not charge interest on a long lockup. His emigrants had flourished as fully as he could have wished, but not in his employ. The scheme did not provide as fully as might have been desired for the conditions which obtained in Canada, and his emigrants arriving in the piping times of Canadian harvest, found they could do at that moment better

elsewhere. He was glad to say that every one of them whose career he had been able to trace had succeeded, and, therefore, from a philanthropic point of view, the experiment left nothing to be desired. Farming was not altogether a success with him, but when the farmer was living in London and the farm was in the Far West of Canada the conditions could not be regarded as ideal. Not

long ago he paid a visit to the locality, and found quite a number of people working on various scales as regards extent of holding, and was delighted to hear from everyone of them a cheerful tale. He was, therefore, able to bear out all the author had said with regard to the agricultural prosperity of Canada. Mr. Griffith referred to a rather difficult question, namely, the treaty-making power of Canada. England must be prepared to find, as the States of the Dominion increased in population and resources, and in all that constituted the greatness of the country, that Canada would desire that England should have less control over her local affairs. That would not imply less love for the Mother Country, or less determination to rally round the old flag when contingencies arose which called for the display of loyal sentiment. He believed the sentiment of Canada was voiced in the lines of the poet, which he remembered were quoted by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, in a speech delivered at Liverpool on one of the occasions when he was bidding farewell to England after a visit here:

Daughter am I in my mother's house,
But mistress in my own."

He did not apprehend that evil consequences would arise, such as they might deprecate, from a concession in the sense which he assumed was recommended by Sir Wilfrid Laurier. If the views to which Sir Wilfrid had been giving expression were accepted by the Government of the Mother Land, then it would follow that in treaties which mainly affected the local interests of Canada, the initial step would be taken by the responsible Ministers of Canada, and when they had advanced far enough in the negotiations, the matter must come before the Home Government. Any agreement would require the assent of the Crown, which would be given upon the advice of the constitutic nal advisers; and, therefore, in the second stage and not in the first, the responsible Ministers of the Crown at home would have a controlling voice in the policy of the Empire, even when the matters under treatment were essentially those of the local interests of one of the dependencies. Mr. Griffith spoke of more rapid steam communication between England and Canada, to the importance of which he (Lord Brassey) most heartily subscribed. He believed it would be a matter of wise policy on the part of the Government at home to be very liberal in the subsidy to a Canadian ocean mail service. Swift communication was one of the bonds of Empire, and he looked upon the proposal favourably from that point of view. He also regarded the establishment of such a line as valuable for the purpose of training

officers and men as naval reservists. It was quite clear that the establishment of such a service would involve the building and maintenance in efficient working order of a number of vessels which would, under certain circumstances, be valuable from the naval point of view as a

eyes of the fleet. He, therefore, hoped that the proposal would receive careful consideration. He was one of the tens of thousands in this country who had a warm regard for Canada, and he hoped that that great colony might ever flourish.

Mr. W. T. R. PRESTON (Canadian Commissioner of Emigration) thanked Mr. Walton for his presentation of certain views which occurred to him during his visit to Canada. He was sorry, however, that while an annual interest was taken in Canada by some of the great societies no result apparently seemed to follow from the meetings. The paper was full of information for the consideration of the British public in respect to the colonies. A great many papers after they were read were consigned to oblivion, but he thought there was a sufficient audience present who would very gladly meet together for the purpose of finding a solution, from the British standpoint, of some of the questions which the author had presented. He could not altogether agree with the proposition that State-aided emigration would be wise. He agreed that there ought to be some kind of aided emigration in dealing with the congested population of this country, where there were so many who were crying out for work, who were anxious to do anything by which they might earn a competence for them. selves and their families and for whom no avenue seemed to be open. It might be said, why did not the Government provide some channel whereby that population could be transported to some place where they could get a living and provide an independence for their families? There were political aspects which made it a question of rather serious import. He did not know enough about British politics to speak definitely on the point, but the contingency was not improbable, that if there was State - aided emigration to Canada candidates might go to the constituents and intimate to voters that if

they voted on certain lines they would be assisted to get to a country where they might find for themselves a competence which they could not find at home; and such a thing might take place in Canada as candidates for Parliament suggesting to voters that they would not be asked to return the money if they voted the right way. He did not believe in any kind of aided emigration which made an emigrant absolutely de pendent. He hoped to see something of the kind carried through, but upon a broad and really solid financial and business basis, so that any money advanced should be returned by the emigrant to whom the favour had been granted. It was desirable to have a certain independent spirit which should be maintained all through one's life. He

« AnkstesnisTęsti »