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was anxious about was protection for the German factory. As Lord Granville afterwards admitted, Lord Derby throughout "had acted in the belief . . . that it was their (the German Government's) desire that the German settlers should receive British protection." "1 It was indeed evident that there had been misunderstanding on the one side, if not on the other. To the plain question, did or did not Great Britain claim Sovereign rights over the territory, Lord Granville could only reply that, although they had not proclaimed the Queen's Sovereignty, "any claim to sovereignty or jurisdiction by a Foreign Power between the southern point of Portuguese jurisdiction at latitude 180 and the frontier of the Cape Colony would infringe their legitimate rights." International law, however, knew nothing of such vague 'legitimate rights,' and Germany was clearly entitled to press for information as to the title on which England's claims were based, and as to what means she had taken to protect German subjects, so as to relieve Germany from the necessity of protecting them herself. The British Government communicated with the Cape authorities upon the question, and such delay ensued that the reply of the Government intimating that the Colony would recommend Parliament to undertake the control of the whole coast was, in fact, subsequent to an intimation from the German Consul at the Cape that Herr Lüderitz and his possessions were placed under the protection of the Empire. As Mr Keltie well remarks,3 "The Home Government and the Cape Government cannot afford to cast stones at each other." If Prince Bismarck fooled to the top of his bent Lord Granville and Lord Derby, "the contemptuous dog-in-the-manger policy of the Cape authorities," the neglect, when Angra Pequena had been taken, to act with regard to the other points along the coast-line, the ostrichlike statesmanship, which refused to recognise patent facts, were at least as evident as British blundering. Moreover, Damara Land and Namaqua Land, which were formally annexed to Germany in August 1884, have not as yet proved 1 Parl. Pap., 1884-5.

3 The Partition of Africa, p. 189.

2 Ibid.

German

desirable possessions, and while England maintains the supremacy of the sea, it is very doubtful whether it is not in the long run to her interest that the great Continental Powers should set up hostages to fortune in the shape of Colonies beyond the seas.

A more serious attempt to interfere with British interests intrigues was made on the east coast. Intrigues were undoubtedly on East Coast. set on foot between Boers of the new Republic in Zululand

Camer

and German subjects, the object of which was the annexation by Germany of St Lucia Bay. We have seen that it had been granted to England years before by Panda, and in December 1884 the British flag was formally hoisted. Moreover, in the following May, an agreement between Germany and England with regard to their several claims on the Guinea Coast and in interior contained a further clause under which Germany declared herself "ready to withdraw her protest against the hoisting of the British flag at St Lucia Bay and to refrain from making acquisitions of territory or establishing protectorates between the Colony of Natal and Delagoa Bay." 1

The next step, after the acquisition of Damara Land, in oons. the expansion of Germany, was the annexation of the Cameroons. Here again the familiar methods of dealing with Lord Granville were put in motion. Dr Nachtigal was to visit West Africa "to complete the information now in the possession of the Foreign Office at Berlin on the state of German commerce on that coast." 2 He was "authorised to conduct negotiations connected with certain questions." The British Colonial authorities were enjoined to give all possible assistance. It proved that the 'negotiations' were to annex the territories of chiefs, who had been for some time vainly clamouring for British protection, but who finally succumbed to German promises. Here, again, England was ready to act when too late. Consul Hewitt was able, however, to secure to Great Britain the district of the Oil rivers at the mouths of the Niger.

The annexation of Damara Land and Namaqua Land and
Parl. Pap., 1884-5.
2 Ibid.

of Togoland and the Cameroons, showed Germany's determination to become an African Power. Her interest in African affairs was further shown by the Conference held at Berlin in 1884-1885. The immediate cause of the Conference was to come to an understanding with regard to the Congo basin, but in a very striking memorandum Sir E. Malet expressed his recognition of the indirect good done, in enabling the representatives of the various Powers to understand each other's points of view. The general Act of the Conference enacted freedom of trade within the region watered by the Congo and its affluents; freedom of navigation along both the Congo and the Niger-such freedom to be enforced on the Congo by the International Commission, and on the Niger by Great Britain and France, in respect of those sections of the rivers which were within their Sovereignty and protection. On the question of occupation, the Act laid down the principle that occupation on the coast of Africa must be effective in order to be valid, and any such occupation henceforth was to be notified to the Powers signing the Treaty, for the purpose of enabling opposing claims to be put forward. During the holding of the Conference the recognition was formally announced of the Congo Free State by all the Powers with the exception of Turkey.

East

The proverb that "l'appétit vient en mangeant" has German been certainly illustrated in the development of German Africa. Colonial policy. Having acquired possessions in SouthWest and West Africa, Germany next proceeded to deal with the East coast. As usual, England stood in the way. Relations between England and Zanzibar had been of the closest. British influence was supreme from 1875 to 1884. In 1878 the Sultan offered to make over the commercial exploitation of the country to Mr Mackinnon. Mr Mackinnon urged that he might be authorised to accept the offer, and that Zanzibar might be declared a British Protectorate, but the Government of Lord Beaconsfield was at the time unwilling to assume new responsibilities. When, therefore, in 1885 the German East Africa Company

acquired a solid block of 60,000 square miles on the mainland, they undoubtedly interfered with the professed rights of an old ally of England. Experience, however, of Prince Bismarck had taught Lord Granville meekness. The strongest pressure was brought to bear upon the Sultan to make him acquiesce in German claims. And Sir John Kirk, the English Resident who had practically ruled the country, found himself, to his disgust, obliged to adopt a tone which was as unfair to the Sultan of Zanzibar as it was humiliating May 1885. to England. Note the language of Lord Granville when timidly announcing the designs of what afterwards became the British East Africa Company: "The supposition that Her Majesty's Government have no intention of opposing the German scheme of colonization in the neighbourhood of Zanzibar is absolutely correct. . . . A scheme has been started in this country, under which, if it is realised, the efforts of German enterprise may be supported indirectly by British enterprise. You will explain that some prominent capitalists have originated a plan for British settlements . . . and for its connection with the coast by a railway. . . . Her Majesty's Government have the scheme under their consideration, but they would not support it unless they were fully satisfied that every precaution were taken that it would in no way conflict with the interests of the territory that has been taken under the German Protectorate." Mr Keltie suggests that Lord Granville's real motive may have been "to divert Bismarck's attention from a region far more valuable than that which Dr Peters had snatched, as it were, from under the paws of the British lion," 2 but such a theory must ignore the probabilities arising from Lord Granville's past record upon colonial questions, and appears somewhat far-fetched. In any case the important point was that, by whatever means, British East Africa was secured to the Empire. The tide of expansion was flowing strong, and the reluctance of Liberal statesmen proved powerless against its force.

1

1 Parl. Pap., 1886.

2 The Partition of Africa, p. 233.

BOOK V

THE PERIOD OF GREATER BRITAIN

1886 ONWARDS

"Also, we will make promise.

So long as the blood endures,"

"I shall know that your good is mine: ye shall feel that my strength is yours."

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