"While both aspects of the question are clearly set Chapter I forth as actuating the Imperial Government in Count Mouravieff's circular, I am convinced that the gravity of its economic side is not lost sight of or obscured by any undue enthusiasm over its humanitarian aspect. "It is, perhaps, at first blush a little disappointing that this great proposition of the Emperor's does not meet with warmer enthusiasm among the Russians themselves. But it should be remembered that the idea that a vast army is anything but a glory and a blessing is not only new, but is contrary to the traditions instilled into the Russian mind and carefully fostered ever since the time of Peter the Great. To expect them now to at once respond with enthusiasm. to a proposition which involves the belief that this great military establishment, hitherto held up as the bulwark and safety of the nation, is in fact but a drain upon the resources of the country and which threatens to paralyze its development, would be to require an elasticity of temperament which the national character does not possess. Nor does the humanitarian aspect especially appeal to the ordinary Russian mind. The semi-oriental influences and traditions of the people have bred in them a slight regard for the value of human life and an apathetic fatalism which does not admit of the same point of view as exists in Western peoples. But furthermore, as this is essentially a military centre, in which the greater part of society has some near individual interest in the army, any proposition looking to a C Chapter I Despatch from the ас reduction of the army suggests the possibility of affecting personal interests which could not be comUnited States placently regarded. Chargé d'Affaires. "At the same time I do not wish to be understood as implying that there are not large numbers of people, both among the highly educated and among the merchant classes, who enter with enthusiasm into the views promulgated by the Emperor. These there are, and they regard the action with exultant pride in the sovereign, but they do not constitute the majority. "That the Russian press is silent on the subject is due to the fact that the newspapers have been forbidden to discuss the matter. Naturally officials of the Government are unwilling to give free expression to any opinions they may hold on the subject. But whatever may be the state of public opinion on the question, it is safe to say that it will not in any way the policy of the Emperor. sway "The general consensus of opinion among the members of the Diplomatic Corps now present appears to be that the proposition is visionary and Utopian, if not partaking of Quixotism. Little of value is expected to result from the Conference, and indeed every diplomatic officer with whom I have : talked seems to regard the proposition with that technical scepticism which great measures of reform 1 usually encounter. This is perhaps an argument in support of an opinion which has been advanced in certain journals that, diplomatic training and traditions being wholly opposed to the objects in view, diplomatic officers would be unsuitable representa-Chapter I tives for such a Conference. "You are doubtless already well informed as to the attitude of the European press on the subject, and as the Russian journals contribute nothing to its literature I hesitate to attempt any summary, but yet a few observations concerning what has come under my notice may not be deemed amiss. Here also, in the absence of any other modus vivendi than droit de force, scepticism as to the possibility of arriving at any results characterizes the greater part of the utterances, although nearly all unite in paying high tribute to the philanthropic motives of the Emperor in calling the Conference. A few, chiefly of the less serious journals, referring to the recent increase in Russia's army and naval strength, as well as to her attitude in China, cast insinuations upon the good faith of his alleged benevolent intent. "Many of the French papers bring up the old bone of contention between France and Germany over Alsace-Lorraine as an insurmountable impediment to any halt, on the part of France, in her military progress, while others suggest that a compromise on this question which would forever end it might be reached by Germany's surrendering Lorraine. Nearly all apply some point or other of international politics to the question, pointing to it as an obstacle to be overcome before anything approaching disarmament can be considered, even when grave results are admitted as an inevitable end to a continuance of Chapter I Despatch from the United States Chargé d'Affaires. し the present progress in applied military science and development. "Certain journals, considering more particularly the economic side of the question, point to Italy as a State ruined by the military development of the age. Statistical facts are brought forward to show the enormous sum expended annually by the various States for military purposes and the vast numbers of men kept out of useful employment, while, on the other side, is given some idea of what could be accomplished, in the way of material wealth, by the employment of the same men and money productively, giving rise to the reflection that possibly the increased wealth and resources so gained would be as powerful an agent in holding back aggression as are the present standing armies of Europe. Our own recent war has been an object lesson to all the world in the power of material wealth in time of national need. "Many German newspapers have, while eulogizing the Emperor's humanitarian benevolence, argued that the expenditure of money and employment of men for military purposes is not impoverishing the State, since the money is expended and redistributed through the country, while the men find employment which they could not otherwise obtain. It is needless to say that these writers are not disciples of John Stuart Mill. "The English newspapers have generally treated the subject more abstractly than the continental press, admitting the truth of the broad principles involved, but while less ready to find specific objec- Chapter I tions and obstacles are still not free from scepticism as to the possibilities. "But few suggestions for the accomplishment of the desired result have been made, though there have been some, as for instance the proposal that the minor powers should disarm, the peace of Europe to be guaranteed by the Great Powers, a measure which, while doubtless beneficial to the smaller States, would leave the guaranteeing Powers where they are. "Count Lansdorff informs me that the Imperial Government has as yet formulated no further programme regarding the conference than that given in the Embassy's No. 141 of September 3rd, nor has it any definite policy in the matter, the purpose of the Conference being tentative and to open discussion as to the best means to bring about the desired result, if it be possible of attainment at all. I do not think that it is the expectation of any one in the Imperial Government that the end in view can even approximately be reached at an early day. The difficulties standing in the way are fully realized, but what is hoped for is that, by opening the discussion, ways to meet these difficulties may suggest themselves. "In a conversation which I have recently had on the subject with a very eminent authority on international law of world-wide reputation, the following views were expressed. Droit de force, being, in effect, the modus vivendi under which nations now maintain their respective claims, if the very essence of that |