they here welcome you as the Chief Magistrate elect of the Republic.

"When our fathers framed the Constitution, they declared it was to form a more perfect Union; to establish justice, and to secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity; and for these considerations we proclaim our purpose to maintain that Constitution inviolate, as it came from their hands. This Union has been the idol of our hopes, the parent of our prosperity, our shield of protection abroad, and our title to the respect and consideration of the world. May it be preserved,' is the prayer of every patriotic heart in Indiana, and that it shall be is their determination."

The guests of the State were then escorted through the principal streets of the Capital by a procession composed of both Houses of the Legislature, the public officers, municipal authorities, military, and firemen. On reaching the Bates House, Mr. Lincoln was called for with great enthusiasm, and he addressed the people as follows:

"FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA: I am here to thank you much for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the very generous support given by your State to that political cause, which I think is the true and just cause of the whole country and the whole world. Solomon says 'there is a time to keep silence;' and when men wrangle by the mouth, with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the same words, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. The words 'coercion' and 'invasion' are much used in these days, and often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the

men themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words. What, then, is 'coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an army into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile intent towards them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, and it would be 'coercion' also if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were habitually violated, would any or all of these things be invasion' or 'coercion? Do our professed lovers of the Union, but who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that such things as these, on the part of the United States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the homœopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort of 'free-love' arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction. By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution, for that is the bond we all recognize. That position, however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and to ruin all which is larger than itself. If a State and a County, in a given case, should be equal in extent of territory and equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the County? Would an exchange of name be an exchange

of rights? Upon what principle, upon what rightful principle, may a State, being no more than one-fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a proportionably larger subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country with its people, by merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting any thing. I am merely asking questions for you to consider. And now allow me to bid you farewell."

FROM INDIANAPOLIS TO CINCINNATI.

At eleven o'clock on the 12th, the special train provided for the accommodation of the President elect and suite, started from the Union Depot at Indianapolis, amid the shouts and cheers of five thousand ardent patriots. The train consisted of four passenger cars and a baggage car. The third and fourth cars were occupied by the Cincinnati Reception Committee, Mr. Lincoln and his suite, and the representatives of the press; the other two by excursionists-ladies and gentlemen. On boarding the cars Mr. Lincoln was welcomed to Cincinnati by Judge Este, on behalf of the citizens, and by Major Dennis J. Yoohey, on behalf of the Board of Common Council. Mr. Lincoln replied in a brief and timely speech, acknowledging his gratitude to the citizens of Cincinnati for such marked respect and esteem. The first stop was made at Shelbyville, lasting but two minutes. Mr. Lincoln merely appeared on the rear platform and courteously bowed in response to the cheering of the enthusiastic multitude. At Greensburgh a similar stop was made. Mr. Lincoln briefly returned his thanks to the crowd for the compliment they paid him in assembling in such numbers to honor his visit to the Hoosier State. A rapid rate of

speed was kept up on the entire route; the trip, includding "rests," being made in five hours and fifteen minutes.

At Lawrenceburgh, Mr. Lincoln delivered a short speech.

He hoped those whom he addressed were Union men. (A voice: "Indeed we are.") "The answer shows that you are right," responded Mr. Lincoln. "You ask only what is right for either side of this river, and I say to you that the power intrusted to me shall be exercised as perfectly to protect the rights of your neighbors across the river, as to protect yours on this side. I know no difference in the protection of constitutional rights on either side of the river. (A voice: May the public men be as right as the people are.') Yes, that is the thing precisely. And let me tell you, that if the people remain right, your public men can never betray you. If, in my brief term of public office, I shall be wicked or foolish, if you remain right, and true, and honest, you cannot be betrayed. My power is temporary and fleetingyours is as eternal as the principle of liberty. Cultivate and protect that sentiment, and your ambitious leaders will be reduced to the position of servants instead of masters."

Nothing else worthy of notice occurred during the trip, except that the family of General Harrison were assembled around his grave, to whom Mr. Lincoln bowed his respects to the memory of that patriot.

RECEPTION AT CINCINNATI.

A more beautiful day seldom graced the month of February. The sun shone brilliantly. The heavens were not darkened by a cloud during the day. As the hour ap

proached for the arrival of the train, every avenue leading in the direction of the Indianapolis and Cincinnati railroad depot was thronged with citizens, hurrying thither in order to obtain as convenient a position as possible. The numbers increased as the time grew less, until the space in front of and below and above the depot was crowded with a mass of human beings. The windows and the roofs of the neighboring houses were occupied and the board and coal piles were covered with the expectant people. The bridge leading over the canal at the foot of Wood-street was so densely packed that its sudden fall was looked for by many, who advised those upon it to station themselves elsewhere. This advice was unheeded; but, fortunately, no accident happened. About half-past two o'clock the municipal and special police arrived, in command of Capt. Lewis Wilson. After clearing the depot and a carriage way in the street, they took position on Front-street, west of the depot. The military arrived soon after, and took the position assigned them. This set the spectators on the qui vive, and they indulged in frequent shouts as some mischievous urchin would start the report that the train was coming. But people on such occasions are always doomed to disappointment; their impatience makes the time seem doubly long. Finally the boom of the cannon on the bank of the river announced the approach of the train. As it neared the depot the crowd gave a loud and prolonged cheer, which was again renewed when Mr. Lincoln was seen stepping from a car with Mayor R. M. Bishop, followed by his suite and the various committees. After a number of provoking delays, they reach the carriages, when the rowd became perfectly wild with enthusiasm. Cheer after cheer rent the air; shouts after shouts for the "President" and the "Union;" and amid the exciting