tions of society. He whose highest principle is to drive no closer a bargain with his neighbor than is tolerated by the laws, is among the most contemptible of men. We should strive in our intercourse with other nations, to be actuated by a love of right and by a noble generosity; to have our actions inspired, as it were, with the spirit of equity. "Although the hazard of transient losses," said a late pure minded statesman, "may be incurred by a rigid adherence to just principles, no lasting prosperity can be secured when they are disregarded." It is so difficult for nations to be just, their actions are so entirely beyond control, and such is the blinding influence of interest, that we should set our standard of national conduct peculiarly high, conscious of the obstacles in the way of its attainment.

Nearly a century before the multitude in Gallilee listened to the sermon on the mount, the Roman orator uttered the sentiment which we have placed at the head of this essay. The most virtuous character of antiquity, his writings contain perhaps the noblest uninspired precepts which were ever taught to

man.

"Not only," he says, "is that declaration untrue which asserts that no republic can be governed without injustice, but this is most true, that without the highest justice no republic can be guided to permanent prosperity." The word "justitia" is very comprehensive and cannot be rendered into English by any single expression. It embraces the several ideas of clemency, humanity and magnanimity, the very spirit of justice.

These words possess weighty import and solemn association. They were prophetic of the downfall of Rome. They come to us with awful warning from the portals of the tomb in which her liberties were buried.

"The mission of the United States," says one of their best citizens, "is one of peace, of love and of good will to men." To elevate the human race, by exalting the standard of individual intelligence and virtue, to still the storms of human passion, to inculcate the principles of equality, fraternity and peace among men, these should be the objects of our ambition, to set their example before the world, this is our true glory. While other nations might boast of their victories, we could then

feel that we had conquered ignorance, we had conquered vice, we had conquered ourselves. There is a glory purer than that which is shrouded in the smoke of the battle-field, it illumines the path of peace; there is a serener light than beams from the cannon's mouth, it plays around the head of virtue.

Wars unhappily become sometimes necessary. "The most sacred regard for justice and equity," says Mr. Calhoun, " and the most cautious policy, cannot always prevent them." Governments must sometimes defend by force the rights of their people. Some principle dearer than life may be invaded, wrongs may be committed which it would be ignoble to suffer and which force alone can prevent. Here the crime is with the aggressor. But it is a vast responsibility to determine upon a war; and justice, humanity and every precept of religion teach us, that it should only be done under a controlling necessity, and when every other means of security have been exhausted in vain.

Mexico is our sister republic. She has been aspiring to emulate our example, and endeavoring, though with unequal steps, to follow in

our path. She is moreover a weaker nation than the United States. Her government is feeble and distracted, her people are generally ignorant and devoid of enterprize. By the silent operation of natural causes, our race has been silently but resistlessly encroaching on the Spanish-American. It is evident that it must yield before our advance. It would be contrary to all our ideas to imagine Mexico obtaining extensive trading privileges among our citizens, or acquiring in any manner possession of our territory. The tendency of things is all the other way. In every transaction we must be the gainer and she the loser. No blame attaches to us on this account. It is a fact whose cause lies beyond the reach of any political policy.

But while it is our duty to cultivate with all nations the relations of friendship, to exercise that regard for the rights of others, which is the best security for our own, and to exhibit that magnanimity which is the foundation of the highest respect; these circumstances would seem to require that our conduct toward Mexico should have been marked by an extraordinary forbearance and kindness. Surely we

should bear with the pride or the jealousy of a feebler nation, which is conscious of our growth at her expense, from causes beyond her power as well as our own to control, and pointing to consequences which she can only deprecate, but can neither avert nor stay.

"I trust," said Mr. Calhoun, in March, 1846, "that we shall deal generously with Mexico, that we shall prove ourselves too magnanimous and too just to take advantage of her feeble condition." We cannot resist quoting a few words from the remarks made by a senator from Kentucky, on the receipt of the war message from the executive, because they contain true and noble sentiments, which could hardly be so well expressed in other language.

"From the first struggle for liberty in South America and Mexico," says he, "it was the cherished policy of the United States to extend to those republics sympathy and friendship.

"We had regarded their rising as an imitation of our example-as a new creation of republics united by strong affinity and warm sympathy. That was the kind and generous view taken. As the head of the republican