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if not certain, that the Mexican government would refuse to receive our envoy.

Meantime Texas, by the final action of our Congress, had become an integral part of our Union. The Congress of Texas, by its act of December 19, 1836, had declared the Rio del Norte to be the boundary of that republic. Its jurisdiction had been extended and exercised beyond the Nueces. The country between that river and the Del Norte had been represented in the congress and in the convention of Texas; had thus taken part in the act of annexation itself; and is now included within one of our congressional districts. Our own Congress had, moreover, with great unanimity, by the act approved December 31, 1845, recognised the country beyond the Nueces as a part of our territory, by including it within our own revenue system; and a revenue officer, to reside within that district, has been appointed, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. It became, therefore, of urgent necessity to provide for the defence of that portion of our country. Accordingly, on the 13th of January last, instructions were issued to the general in command of these troops to occupy the left bank of the Del Norte. This river, which is the southwestern boundary of the State of Texas, is an exposed frontier; from this quarter invasion was threatened; upon it, and in its immediate vicinity, in the judgment of high military experience, are the proper stations for the protecting forces of the government. In addition to this important consideration, several others occurred to induce this movement. Among these are the facilities afforded by the ports at Brazos Santiago and the mouth of the Del Norte, for the reception of supplies by sea; the stronger and more healthful military positions; the convenience for obtaining a ready and a more abundant supply of provisions, water, fuel, and forage; and the advantages which are afforded by the Del Norte in forwarding supplies to such posts as may be established in the interior and upon the Indian frontier.

The movement of the troops to the Del Norte was made by the commanding general, under positive instructions to abstain from all aggressive acts towards Mexico or Mexican citizens, and to regard the relations between that republic and the United States as peaceful, unless she should declare war, or commit acts of hostility indicative of a state of war. was specially directed to protect private property, and respect personal rights.

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The army moved from Corpus Christi on the 11th of March, and on the 28th of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del Norte, opposite to Matamoras, where it encamped on a commanding position, which has since been strengthened by the erection of field works. A depot has also been established at Point Isabel, near the Brazos Santiago, thirty miles in rear of the encampment. The selection of his position was necessarily confided to the judgment of the general in command.

The Mexican forces at Matamoras assumed a belligerant attitude, and, on the 12th of April, General Ampudia, then in command, notified General Taylor to break up his camp within twenty-four hours, and to retire beyond the Nueces river, and, in the event of his failure to comply with these demands, announced that arms, and arms alone, must decide the question. But no open act of hostility was committed until the 24th of April. On that day, General Arista, who had succeeded to the command of the Mexican forces, communicated to General Taylor that "he consid

ered hostilities commenced, and should prosecute them." A party of dragoons, of sixty-three men and officers, were on the same day despatched from the American camp up the Rio del Norte, on its left bank, to ascertain whether the Mexican troops had crossed, or were preparing to cross, the river, "became engaged with a large body of these troops, and, after a short affair, in which some sixteen were killed and wounded, appear to have been surrounded and compelled to surrender."

The grievous wrongs perpetrated by Mexico upon our citizens throughout a long period of years remain unredressed; and solemn treaties, pledging her public faith for this redress, have been disregarded. A government either unable or unwilling to enforce the execution of such treaties, fails to perform one of its plainest duties.

Our commerce with Mexico has been almost annihilated. It was formerly highly beneficial to both nations; but our merchants have been deterred from prosecuting it by the system of outrage and extortion which the Mexican authorities have pursued against them, whilst their appeals through their own government for indemnity have been made in vain. Our forbearance has gone to such an extreme as to be mistaken in its character. Had we acted with vigor in repelling the insults and redressing the injuries inflicted by Mexico at the commencement, we should doubtless have escaped all the difficulties in which we are now involved. Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our best efforts to propitiate her good-will. Upon the pretext that Texas, a nation as independent as herself, thought proper to unite its destinies with our own, she has affected to believe that we have severed her rightful territory, and in official proclamations and manifestoes has repeatedly threatened to make war upon us, for the purpose of reconquering Texas. In the meantime, we have tried every effort at reconciliation. The cup of forbearance had been exhausted, even before the recent information from the frontier of the Del Norte. But now, after reiterated menaces, Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory, and shed American blood upon the American soil. She has proclaimed that hostilities have commenced, and that the two nations are now at war.

As war exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon by every consideration of duty and patriotism to vindicate with decision the honor, the rights, and the interests of our country.

Anticipating the possibility of a crisis like that which has arrived, instructions were given in August last, "as a precautionary measure' against invasion, or threatened invasion, authorizing General Taylor, if the emergency required, to accept volunteers, not from Texas only, but from the States of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Kentucky; and corresponding letters were addressed to the respective governors of those States. These instructions were repeated; and, in January last, soon after the incorporation of " Texas into our union of States," General Taylor was further" authorized by the President to make a requisition upon the executive of that State for such of its militia force as may be needed to repel invasion, or to secure the country against apprehended invasion." On the second day of March he was again reminded, "in the event of the approach of any considerable Mexican force, promptly and efficiently to use the authority with which he was clothed to call to him such auxiliary force as he might need." War actually existing, and

our territory having been invaded, General Taylor, pursuant to authority vested in him by my direction, has called on the governor of Texas for four regiments of State troops-two to be mounted, and two to serve on foot; and on the governor of Louisiana for four regiments of infantry, to be sent to him as soon as practicable.

In further vindication of our rights, and defence of our territory, I invoke the prompt action of Congress to recognise the existence of the war, and to place at the disposition of the Executive the means of prosecuting the war with vigor, and thus hastening the restoration of peace. To this end I recommend that authority should be given to call into the public service a large body of volunteers, to serve for not less than six or twelve months, unless sooner discharged. A volunteer force is beyond question more efficient than any other description of citizen soldiers; and it is not to be doubted that a number far beyond that required would readily rush to the field upon the call of their country. I further recommend that a liberal provision be made for sustaining our entire military force and furnishing it with supplies and munitions of war.

The most energetic and prompt measures, and the immediate appearance in arms of a large and overpowering force, are recommended to Congress as the most certain and efficient means of bringing the existing collision with Mexico to a speedy and successful termination.

In making these recommendations, I deem it proper to declare that it is my anxious desire not only to terminate hostilities speedily, but to bring all matters in dispute between this government and Mexico to an early and amicable adjustment; and, in this view, I shall be prepared to renew negotiations, whenever Mexico shall be ready to receive propositions, or to make propositions of her own.

I transmit herewith a copy of the correspondence between our envoy to Mexico and the Mexican minister for foreign affairs; and so much of the correspondence between that envoy and the Secretary of State, and between the Secretary of War and the general in command on the Del Norte, as is necessary to a full understanding of the subject.

WASHINGTON, May 11, 1846.

The message having been read,

JAMES K. POLK.

A motion was made by Mr. Haralson, that the message and documents accompanying the same be laid upon the table and be printed; and on this motion Mr. Haralson moved the previous question.

Mr. Shenck raised the question of order, that a motion to lay the message and documents upon the table was not in order until the reading of all the papers was completed.

The Speaker decided that the motion of Mr. Haralson was in order. From this decision Mr. Schenck appealed.

And the question being put, Shall the decision of the Chair stand as the judgment of the House?

It was decided in the affirmative.

The question recurred on the motion made by Mr. Haralson, that the said message be laid upon the table and printed, and the seconding of the previous question upon said motion: when

The said previous question was seconded, and the main question was ordered and stated.

Mr. Winthrop demanded a division of the question, so as to take the question first upon laying the message and documents upon the table, and then upon printing; and it was divided accordingly.

The question was put, first, Shall the documents accompanying the said message be laid upon the table?

And decided in the affirmative.

The question was then stated, second, Shall the said message and documents be printed?

When Mr. Winthrop called for the reading of the documents.

The question was put, Shall the said documents be read?

And decided in the negative.

It was then

Ordered, That the said message and documents be printed.

A motion was made by Mr. Schenck, to reconsider the vote by which the House refused to read the documents accompanying the said message. Mr. Roberts moved that the said motion to reconsider be laid upon the table.

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The yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth of the members present, Those who voted in the affirmative are

Mr. Stephen Adams

Joseph H. Anderson

Archibald Atkinson

Edward D. Baker

Thomas H. Bayly
Henry Bedinger
Charles S. Benton
Asa Biggs
James Black
James A. Black
James B. Bowlin

Linn Boyd

Jacob Brinkerhoff

William H. Brockenbrough Richard Brodhead

William G. Brown

Armistead Burt

Charles W. Cathcart

Augustus A. Chapman
Reuben Chapman
Lucien B. Chase
John S. Chipman
Henry S. Clarke
Howell Cobb
John F. Collin
Alvan Cullom

John D. Cummins
John R. J. Daniel
Edmund S. Dargan
John De Mott
Paul Dillingham, jr.
James C. Dobbin
Stephen A. Douglass
Robert P. Dunlap
Joseph E. Edsall
Samuel S. Ellsworth
Jacob Erdman
John H. Ewing
James J. Faran

Mr. Orlando B. Ficklin
George Fries

William S. Garvin
Charles Goodyear
Samuel Gordon

James Graham
Martin Grover
Hannibal Hamlin
Hugh A. Haralson
John H. Harmanson
Thomas J. Henley
Joseph P. Hoge
Isaac E. Holmes
George W. Hopkins
William J. Hough
George S. Houston
Edmund W. Hubard
Orville Hungerford
Charles J. Ingersoll
Joseph Johnson
Andrew Johnson
George W. Jones
Andrew Kennedy
Preston King
Owen D. Leib
Emile La Sère
Thomas W. Ligon
John H. Lumpkin
William B. Maclay
Moses McClean
Robert McClelland
John A. McClernand
Felix G. McConnell
Joseph J. McDowell
James McDowell
James J. McKay
John P. Martin
Barclay Martin
Joseph Morris

Mr. Isaac E. Morse

Mace Moulton
Archibald C. Niven
Moses Norris
Robert Dale Owen
Isaac Parish

William W. Payne
Augustus L. Perrill
John Pettit
John S. Phelps
Sterling Price
George Rathbun

David S. Reid
James H. Relfe
John Ritter

Robert W. Roberts
Cullen Sawtelle
William Sawyer
John F. Scammon
James A. Seddon
Alexander D. Sims
Leonard H. Sims
Richard F. Simpson
Thomas Smith

Robert Smith

Frederick P. Stanton

David A. Stark weather
Henry St. John
Stephen Strong
Jacob Thompson
Allen G. Thurman
John W. Tibbatts
George W. Towns
William M. Tredway
John Wentworth
Horace Wheaton
William W. Wick

Bradford R. Wood

Archibald Yell.

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Mr. Haralson (by general consent) moved that the said message and documents be taken up and committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union: which motion was agreed to.

And the said message and documents were committed accordingly. On motion of Mr. Haralson, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union; and, after some time spent therein, the Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Hopkins reported that the committee having, according to order, had the state of the Union generally under consideration, particularly the bill (No. 145) to authorize the President of the United States, under certain contingencies therein named, to accept the services of volunteers, and for other purposes, had come to no resolution thereon.

Mr. Brinkerhoff offered the following resolution:

Resolved, That all debate in the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union on the said bill (No. 145) shall cease in two hours after the same shall be again taken up in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, (if the committee shall not sooner come to a conclusion upon the same;) and the committee shall then proceed to vote on such amendments as may be pending or offered to the same, and shall then report it to the House, with such amendments as may have been agreed to by the committee.

The said resolution was read: when

Mr. Brinkerhoff moved the previous question, which was seconded; and the main question was ordered and put, and the said resolution was agreed to: and then,

On motion of Mr. Brinkerhoff, the House again resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union; and, after some time spent therein, the Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Hopkins reported that the committee having, according to order, had the state of the Union generally under consideration, particularly the said bill, (No. 145,) had directed him to report the said bill to the House with amendments. The House proceeded to the consideration of the said bill: and the question being stated on agreeing to the said amendments,

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