where the broad magnolia leaves unfold beside the asters flowers of gold, to the beautiful city of the dead, and there in the silence of the departing day, surrounded by the speechless monuments of the dead, and a vast multitude of friends, I heard the solemn words, "earth to earth, dust to dust," and all that was mortal of Thomas Henry Watts, Great Incohonee of the Improved Order of Red Men, was placed "under the sod and the dew to await the judgment day."

Proud old England grows her myrtle, but it is not too kingly to deck the brow of Thomas Henry Watts. Sunny Italy has her quarries of fairest marble, but none too white to mark his last resting-place. America has her Mount Washington, sky-kissed and snow-capped, but it is not too high to pedestal the statue of our departed brother. And on this glorious autumnal day, the kissing sunbeams that play and dance on these mountain summits, lighting them with a gorgeous splendor, are not purer than the noble purposes that actuated his pure and noble life.

I have stood on the deck of a magnificent ship as it majestically sailed the sea, and witnessed the moon in all its splendor rise out of the mystery of the deep and shed its shimmering rays over the waters like millions of diamonds sparkling and dancing on the waves, and I thought the scene was surpassingly beautiful.

I have stood on a great mountain peak at dawn and witnessed the sun come forth in all its majesty and power and fill the world with light and glory, and I thought it was beautiful and grand.

I have seen in the darkness of midnight the forked lightning leap from hill to hill, from crest to crest, and cut and shiver the inky clouds into rivers of fire, while .

the thunder rolled and reverberated in the distance, and the universe trembled in the Titanic power of the Storm King, and I exclaimed-how beautiful, how grand, how sublime is the omnipotent power of God. But, brother, the most beautiful, the grandest, the sublimest creation or manifestation of God's omnipotence is a man, created in his own image, who loves his fellow man. One who ministers to the wants and necessities of his fellow man as softly and gently as the moonbeams fall upon the midnight sea, one who visits the sick and fills the room with a radiance as bright and glorious as the light of the new day; one who dispels the clouds of adversity as the lightning cleaves the clouds in a sombre sky; such a man was Thomas Henry Watts.

In the great Valhalla beyond the grave, where the spirits of immortals dwell, our friend now rests with the noblest and the best. Good-night, great chief, goodnight, until some golden day by the still waters we shall meet again, when the joyous greeting shall be an everlasting good morning.-Judge R. T. Daniel.

NEGRO SUFFRAGE.

I contend that certain truths that I now propose to state are axiomatic and undeniable. What are these truths? They are these: That the right to vote is not an absolute natural right that exists for the benefit of the individual, but a great civil and political privilege, conferred or withheld for the benefit of and in the interest of society and good government, and that men who so little appreciate their votes as to sell them ought to be deprived of them

forever; and from these propositions I draw the necessary conclusion, in the light of the South's unvarying experience with the negro vote, that the negro ought to be disfranchised.

There is another and, if possible, a still more weighty reason why I oppose negro suffrage. The natural, indeed the irresistible, tendency of political equality is toward social equality. No two races have ever yet lived side by side in anything like equal numbers on terms of political and social equality without amalgamation. All history proclaims the truth of this doctrine, without an exception in any age or in any clime.

Amalgamation being impossible so long as there is a single drop of blood in the veins of a single Southern white man, it follows that there can be neither social nor political equality between the races; that so long as they live together there must be the positions of superior and inferior, and that the white race will demand and take the superior position is beyond controversy. Six thousand years of history proclaim his right to it. Superior mental and moral force assert it. Justice and equity unite in confirming his title to it in this land that his adventurous ancestors discovered and conquered from its savage inhabitants, wrested from foreign tyranny, and in which they have founded and preserved that government that is to-day the richest, the most powerful, and the most glorious on earth.

And who is the negro that he should dispute this demand? A race that never yet founded a government or built a State that did not soon lapse into barbarism; a race that never yet made a single step toward civilization, except under the fostering care and guidance of the white

man; a race into whose care was committed one of the great continents, and who has made it ever since the remotest times a land of utter darkness, until to-day the nations of Europe, in the onward march of irresistible civilization, are dividing his heritage, the greatest of the continents, among themselves.

Well, has it been suggested that it is the most brazen of inconsistencies for the national government to guarantee the suffrage to black men in the South while it denies it to brown men in the Philippines and to white men in Porto Rico.

These amendments were adopted at a time when party feeling ran high, when sectional bitterness filled the land, when almost every family both at the North and the South was mourning some loved one lost in the Civil War, and men therefore were not prepared to speak or vote calmly and reasonably. They were adopted at a time when the leaders of the radical wing of the Republican party had the bleeding and prostrate South under foot and the balance of the nation at their beck and call, and, intoxicated with success and drunk with power, sought to perpetuate their party in control of the national government, and yet, even under all these circumstances, the adoption of these amendments was accomplished against the express will of the majority of the people of the Union by treachery in the North and by force in the South.

If the people of the Union, even in those days when passions were hot, were unwilling to revolutionize their constitutional system by taking from the States the right to control this suffrage question, can it be possible that now, when the soothing hand of time has healed the wounds that were then smarting, when the people of the

South have demonstrated once more in blood and fire their loyalty to the Union and her sons have marched side by side with the sons of the North, of the East and of the West against a common foe, the fight against these iniquitous amendments is more hopeless than it was in the days of their adoption? I must confess I can not so view it.

The North and East are struggling to-day with mighty suffrage problems of their own. The great West has its burdens. The Chinese are swarming to the Pacific slope; every day is bringing thoughtful men of all parties, of all sections, and of all States closer together in the belief that North, East, West and South must all have protection from the dangers that menace each section from ignorance and corruption at the polls; that the kind of protection that each commonwealth requires is varied by many local conditions peculiar to itself, and that for these reasons there ought to be a return to the old compact of our fathers to the ancient landmarks of the republic.— Thomas W. Hardwick.

[Extract from an address delivered in the National House of Representatives, January 27, 1904.]

THE MISSION OF THE LAWYER.

It is to the lawyer who loves his profession more than its emoluments that we must look to maintain its dignity and high standard. Duty is a strong word, but when it is divorced from love it becomes shorn of the locks that give it strength. He who would attain to the place of highest excellence in his profession must learn