thunderous Greek assailed the throne of Macedon, but never with courage and oratory interlocked were nobler accents hurled in braver challenge at the feet of power since the eloquence of Israel flared in chains before the majesty of Rome.

The novel condition of affairs in Georgia which now summoned Mr. Hill with commanding orders to the front grew out of the clash between the executive and the legislative departments of the Federal government over the jurisdictional rights involved in the reorganization of the seceded States. President Johnson took the position that the States, being integral parts of the Federal system, could not secede, and that while individual citizens of the State might suffer forfeiture of citizenship for resisting authority, the States themselves were still within the Union, the ordinance of secession in each case having been null and void. Congress held that the States were virtually counted as seceders when recognized as belligerents, and that now being "conquered provinces," they were under the control of the legislative branch of the government. The wrangle which ensued over this bone of contention was most unfortunate, since the work of reconstruction under the plan of President Johnson was already producing the desired results.

It will readily be seen that the dilemma in which Georgia was placed by this unhappy condition of affairs was most embarrassing. Regarded by President Johnson as having fully met the requirements precedent to readmission, or rather to being recognized as readmitted, Georgia was nevertheless regarded by Congress as territorial property, subject to hostile supervision until the negro suf

frage egg of partisan politics had been fully incubated. Consequently when the Senators and Representatives whom she had chosen to represent her were refused seats in the legislative halls and the military measures of Congress were passed in 1867 putting her under bayonet surveillance, she naturally felt that the time had come when patience was no longer virtuous and statehood needed vindication.

Governor Brown was temperately counseling submission in spite of aggravated wrongs, but wounded pride refused to listen to such counsels and demanded championship. None of the old leaders appeared upon the side of protest, either because timidly irresolute or tamely acquiescent. In the midst of this period of suspense Mr. Hill, who was then living at LaGrange, was called to Atlanta to advise an earnest body of citizens who, believing that the military measures of Congress were inspired by ulterior designs of sectional politics, had met to devise some definite method of expressing disapproval.

The result of the conference was that Mr. Hill expressed his intention to investigate thoroughly both the animus and the effect of the military measures of Congress, and to state his conclusions when his researches were completed. Within the next few days he announced that he was prepared to make an address at such time and place as his fellow citizens might designate. Accordingly the place selected was Davis Hall, and the time fixed was July 16, 1867. Hitherto the work of reconstruction had encountered no serious obstacles, but Congress had goaded submission into protest, and now an eloquent voice was at last found to denounce the unrighteous usurpation. Nor was the opening scene of the drama.

scheduled to occur too soon. The haughty plumes of the military despots were daily becoming more and more insolent; and the situation even now was most acute.

Just before Mr. Hill arose to speak on the eventful evening which witnessed the hurling of his first thunderbolt, there filed into the hall for the obvious purpose of exercising military censorship over the distinguished orator, a column of blue-coats. It was not an ordinary detachment of troop, but was composed of the Federal generals from the local headquarters. They were dressed in full uniform and accompanied by staff officers. Behind them bristled an array of bayonets in the hands of subalterns. They did not think of pausing in the rear, but marched boldly and directly to the front, where they noisily sat down with the menacing rattle of weapons which plainly told the speaker to beware. They made an imposing spectacle and one which was well calculated to quell an orator less heroically patterned than Mr. Hill. But so far from being intimidated by this military column, even though it represented the authority of the United States government and possessed the power to dispatch him in quick order, he regarded the intruders with no more concern than if they had been so many dressed-up mosquitoes or other like insects equipped with appliances for drawing blood.

The pallor which overspread his face as he calmly surveyed the scene before him came partly from the dim light which furnished an imperfect as well as an intermittent illumination and partly from the sense of responsibility which the occasion brought. Neither his nerves nor his accents betrayed the least quake of fear; and when the