tion of race, on the other; and that the subject of disagreement has been, practical grievances and general principles similar to those which formed the matter of dispute between England and her old colonies in America.

As their fathers rebelled in defence of those old English charters of local self-government, which placed local taxation and revenue at the sole disposition of popular assemblies, so they think that the Canadian majority was justified in withholding supplies, and in resisting by force the violation of their constitution by the British Parliament.

They believe, in a word, that the majority in Lower Canada has contended for the maintenance of popular rights, and that arbitrary government is the aim of the minority. The mistake is easily accounted for: it is only on the spot that one learns how the subject of strife in Lower Canada has been a question of nationality; everywhere else, the false professions and designations employed by both parties, combined with the plain fact that the contest has been between a majority and a minority, is apt to mislead the inquirer, by keeping out of view the distinction of races. If the whole subject were understood by Americans, they would probably sympathize with those who are of the same origin as themselves, who resemble them in numerous particulars, and who seek objects which, if this country were under American rule, would be unhesitatingly accomplished, as similar objects have been attained in the Dutch colony of New York, and the French colony of Louisiana.

There is no people under the sun to whom the feudal institutions and most defective civil laws of the Canadians would be more intolerable, than to the Anglo-Saxon race of the United States. But they have misunderstood the case. They have fallen into the not uncommon mistake of confounding means with ends. Believing that the means employed by the Canadians, in the Assembly, were constitutional and popular, and seeing that the British, being in a minority, necessarily clung to the local executive and the imperial authority; above all, regardless of the accident (for so it may be termed with respect to the question of nationality) by which the Canadians happen to constitute a majority, Americans have supposed that the objects of both parties in the colony were of the same nature respectively, as the means on which each party has relied. An ever active sentiment of national pride is, perhaps, the most remarkable feature in the American character. It might have been foreseen, therefore, that the Americans, proudly recollecting the origin and progress of their own revolutionary war with England, should sympathize with the Canadians or rather with the majority, who happen to be Canadians. Whether they may ever comprehend the false position assumed by both parties in this colony, I will not venture to predict; but so long as their view of the subject shall remain unchanged, they will, I believe, continue to sympathize with that side which has the air of contending for democratic principles and popular objects, and to wish that it may prevail over the other, which appears in the light of an oppressive minority.

Secondly: Having regard to the national pride of America, it is certain that the temper and tone of the British party towards that country tends to stir up angry passions throughout the Union, and especially near the frontier, where articles from the colonial newspapers are generally reprinted. Hitherto the national pride of America has not been deeply wounded by these means (and I do all in my power to mitigate the national influence of such affronts to it); but I am credibly informed that these unceasing attacks have not been without effect, and that they form a subject of growing irritation.

Thirdly: By the existence of a state of things out of which it is easy to see that war might spring, the American mind becomes more and more familiar with the idea of war. Differing as the Americans do, from all other nations, in the universal diffusion of an active interest in public affairs, and in a habit which belongs to all ranks, of calculation as to the future, they are led, by the political state of these provinces, to discuss the subject of war hypothetically, if I may use the expression; they are reminded of the events of the last war, and one of them in particular, the

capture of Washington, which inflicted a deep wound on the national pride, and by frequently conversing on such exciting topics, they gradually approach that state of feeling under which the government, necessarily impelled by the people, would find it hard to maintain friendly relations with England.

Fourthly: It is not to be denied that the distracted state of these colonies occasions no little inconvenience to the frontier states, and to the federal government; it calls for an increase of the army, a sort of military array on the frontier, and the exercise of new powers by the executive, which are opposed to the habits, if not to the institutions, of the American people. All the expense and annoyance are attributed to the British Government. A dispassionate American admits that his government is bound, at whatever cost, to prevent aggressions on the Canadian frontier, and he does not deny that the obligation has been inadequately fulfilled; but when reminded of the inefficiency of the laws for that purpose, and the weakness of the American executive, he answers that the true source of every difficulty is the weakness of the British Government in Canada, which has not maintained order amongst its own subjects, nor is able to protect the United States from such a nuisance as arises from the conduct of British refugees within their territory. This retort, without stopping to examine its justice, suffices to show that, until order shall be restored in these colonies, a great cause of irritation in America will probably continue to operate with increasing force.

Fifthly: The boundary question, being much mixed, as it unavoidably is in America, with considerations arising out of the state of these colonies forms a more active element of hostile feeling than would otherwise have been the case.

Lastly: It is certain that, amongst the frontier population of the United States, which, I should observe, has very greatly increased since the last war, there exists a numerous body of men, young, active, energetic. and self-relying, who, from various motives, long for an opportunity of invading Canada. Some of them are moved by an opinion, which it would not be easy to question, that if these colonies were laid open to American enterprize, a great impulse would be given to the industry and trade of that part of the States which now constitutes the frontier; some are influenced by one or other of the circumstances to which I have already adverted; some by that love of adventure merely which belongs to the American character; and some by a reasonable calculation of the gain and distinction which, in troubled times, usually fall to the most active and daring. The manner in which these people talk of invading the Canadas exemplifies the self-reliance of American citizens. They do not expect that the federal government should open the way for them by military operations; they even avow their belief that, in a contest of troops only. the British would surely prevail; but they reckon upon the friendly dispo sition towards them of great numbers on this side, and upon swarming over the line in such numbers, and at so many places simultaneously, as to get possession of the country in spite of military obstacles. I do not pretend to weigh such calculations, but state them as they have been reported If I am not misinformed, it is well that I should remind Her Majesty's Government of the invasion of Texas by a body of Americar citizens, who, without the least aid from their government, have seized an extensive country, defeated armies, got possession of the soil, and estab lished themselves, as a nation, with constitutional government, a judicial system and municipal institutions as complete as any in America. There is certainly no immediate danger of such an attack upon these colonies; and I have mentioned the subject only for the purpose of indicating the probable character of the contest that would take place here, if all the causes now in operation should finally produce one. It was in consequence of all these important considerations that, during my late residence on the American frontier, I courted the most unreserved communication with al respectable Americans, for the purpose of impressing them with a more sound and accurate conception of the real state of things, with a more

to me.

just appreciation of our system of government, and its real objects; and with a due sense of the danger which would arise to themselves, if their government remained a passive spectator of all these proceedings, tending as they did, to destroy all confidence in its executive strength, and all reliance on the national honour.

I am happy to say that my efforts have been successful, that a great change has taken place in public feeling on the American side, and that my exertions to restore tranquility and good order are encouraged and supported by the most influential portions of the press and of society in the United States.

Except as it has been noticed for the purpose of explaining the temper of the Canadians, and one of the causes of irritation in the United States, a most important subject yet calls for your Lordship's attention; I allude to certain feelings and views of the British section of Her Majesty's subjects in this province.

Your Lordship is already informed of the general satisfaction expressed by the British party at my having, when I assumed the Government, avoided connecting myself with the old body of officials. It may be supposed that the body in question did not participate in that sentiment. I very soon became aware therefore of the existence of some difference between the official body and the British in general. Subsequent observation has convinced me that, except in their common hostility to the Canadians, there is no sympathy between these two classes.

That this should be the case is really not surprising when one discovers how all the powers of Government have been neglected and abused for many years past in this colony. Not to go further back than the com mencement of serious differences between the Canadians and British as such; since, when the two branches of the legislature have neglected their proper functions to pursue the contest between races, a long time has passed without anything like beneficial legislation, and not a few of the many evils resulting from this perversion of legislative powers have, by a very natural mistake, been attributed to neglect and corruption in the Executive. At the same time it must be confessed, that the Executive has been both neglectful and corrupt. I need not remind your Lordship of those flagrant instances in which the Imperial Government has been led to interfere for the correction of administrative abuses, nor is this a fit occasion for entering on that subject in detail; but I am bound to add, that the Government of this province, including the administration of justice, has not obtained the respect of the people, and that, according to all my information, there has been ample ground for the distrust and suspicion with which authority is regarded.

This leads to another feature in the disposition of that portion of the British inhabitants which may be termed 'independent'. Their main object, as I have before explained, has been to remove the obstacles which the ignorance, the apathy, and the ancient prejudices of the Canadians opposed to the progress of British industry and enterprize; to substitute, in short for Canadian institutions, laws and practices, others of a British character. In this pursuit they have necessarily disregarded the implied, not to say precise, engagement of England to respect the peculiar institu tions of French Canada. But the Imperial Government, on the contrary never quite forgetting that ancient pledge, has rather extended its protection to the Canadians than espoused the cause of the British settlers. It were to be wished, perhaps, that this policy had been consistently pursued from the beginning, as in that case a British community might not have grown up here with feelings, wants, and a degree of power which make it simply impossible to pursue such a policy now. But it has not been consistently pursued. By a variety of measures, and especially by promoting emigration to this colony, the Imperial Government have really undermined the Canadian nationality which they perhaps intended to preserve. A similar contradiction may be observed in their treatment of the national struggle which has ended in civil war. Never taking a decided part, with either section in the colony, they have wavered between them,

now favouring the one and then the other, but neither decidedly, and finally displeasing both sections in about the same degree. Under such a system, if it may be called one, no governor could have pursued a consistent course, or have attached either the Canadians or the British to the Imperial Government.

I should not permit myself to say this reproach fully, even if there were room for an accusation, which in my humble opinion there is not; but I mention it as a necessary result of the original false step, and for the purpose of explaining the present disposition of the British party. Deeply offended at every measure or decision of the Imperial Government which thwarted their own British or Anti-Canadian views, they are also wanting in that respect for the supreme authority which is sometimes felt by the discontented subjects of a decided and vigorous Government. Restrained (though not entirely) from the public expression of their sentiments by a hope that the Imperial Government may yet accomplish the object on which their heart is set, they have no such reserve amongst themselves, nor do they at all care who knows of the language commonly held by them when speaking of the Imperial Government, and the connexion between this colony and the mother country.

I am assured that the leaders and their followers, one and all, are in the habit of declaring, that rather than be again subject to the French (meaning, rather than see another majority of Canadians in the Assembly), they shall find a way to take care of themselves.

I should be sorry to report any idle conversation upon such a topic, but have no doubt that language of this kind is commonly uttered with an earnestness of manner which should prove its sincerity. And this is not all: for the sentiments expressed are enforced by deliberate arguments, such as that, considering the exasperation of the Canadians produced by late events, there can be no permanent safety for people of British descent except by rendering the colony thoroughly British; and that if the Imperial Government should not provide for the security of its British subjects, the time will soon be past for obedience to any other law than that of self preservation.

That such views are currently expressed amongst the British party, there can be no doubt; and I am the more disposed to believe them sincerely entertained, because, having reference to a future contingency, they are not inconsistent with those loud professions of loyalty and attachment to England by which the British minority has hitherto sought to enlist the Imperial Government against the Canadian majority. At present, of course, such views are merely speculative, everything being held in suspense by the large powers awarded to me, and by the hope of a happy settlement of affairs upon my recommendation.

Notwithstanding, however, the very unfavourable representations contained in this despatch, I am induced to hope with confidence, that success may ultimately attend the measures with respect to this country which have been recently adopted by the Imperial Government. My principal reason for this assurance is drawn from the good effect already produced by decided and vigorous action. The exercise of the very extensive powers placed in my hands seems to have operated as a sort of charm, like oil poured upon troubled waters. At this moment all is still. A stranger would hardly believe that the country had been recently distracted by civil war. Expectation for the future, is, I trust, taking the place of angry passions occasioned by the past. I must, however, conclude by assuring your Lordship, that whatever hopes I entertain of the future, depend altogether on the supposition that Her Majesty's Government and Parliament will not shrink from the adoption of permanent measures of remedy and prevention, proportioned to the greatness of the difficulties with which I have yet to contend, and will sanction such measures as will effectually provide for the abstraction of all legislation on British interests from the control of a French majority. I am of opinion that this great object can be legitimately effected without violence to Canadian rights, and in strict accordance with the soundest principles of constitutional government.

The time is fast approaching when I shall be enabled to bring these measures under the consideration of Her Majesty's Government; and in the meantime I recommend to their serious attention the important points to which I have referred in the present communication.

CXXXI

THE INDEMNITY ACT, 18381

(1 & 2, Victoria, c. 112).

An Act for indemnifying those who have issued or acted under certain parts of a certain Ordinance made under colour of an Act passed in the present session of Parliament, intituled "An Act to make temporary Provision for the Government of Lower Canada."

16th August, 1838.

Whereas an Act was made this present session of Parliament, intituled 1 Vict., cap. 9. "An Act to make temporary provision for the Government of Lower Canada": And whereas a certain law or Ordinance hath been made and published by the Governor of the said Province, by and with the advice and consent of the Special Council, bearing date the twenty-eighth day of June last, intituled “An Ordinance to provide for the security of the Province of Lower Canada," which Ordinance cannot be justified by law, but was so much intended for the Security of the said Province that it is expedient that all persons advising or acting under or in obedience to so much of the same as relates to the sending of certain persons to Bermuda, who are stated in the same to have made certain confessions, and to the subjecting such persons to restraint, should be indemnified by Parliament in the manner and to the extent herein-after provided for: Be it enacted by the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that all personal Indemnity for actions and suits, indictments, informations, and all prosecutions and pro-persons adceedings whatsoever, which have been or shall be prosecuted or com- vising or actmenced in any Court or before any tribunal in any part of her Majesty's Ordinance of ing under an Dominions, against any person or persons for or by reason of any act, the Governor matter, or thing advised, commanded, appointed or done in relation to the and Council of Lower Canada, premises before the proclamation of this Act in the said Province of Lower of the 28th of Canada and in the Islands of Bermuda respectively, or elsewhere, in man- June last. ner hereinafter provided, be, are, and shall be discharged and made void by virtue of this Act; and that if any action or suit shall be prosecuted or commenced against any person or persons for any such act, matter or thing so advised, commanded, appointed, or done, he, she, or they may plead the general issue, and give this Act and the special matter in evidence; and if the plaintiff or plaintiffs in any action or suit so to be prosecuted or commenced, except in that part of Great Britain called Scotland, after the first day of October next, shall become nonsuit, or forbear further prosecution, or suffer discontinuance, or if a verdict pass against such plaintiff or plaintiffs, the defendant or defendants shall recover his, her or their double costs, for which he, she or they shall have the like remedy as in cases where costs by law are given to defendants; and if any such action or suit as aforesaid shall be commenced or prosecuted after the first day of October next in that part of Great Britain called Scotland, the Court before whom such action or suit shall be commenced or prosecuted shall allow to the defender the benefit of the discharge and indemnity hereby

1 This Act was passed to indemnify those who had any share in issuing or acting under Lord Durham's Ordinance of 28 June, 1838 (Christie, V., pp. 166 ff.). For the history see Bourinot, Canada Under British Rule, pp. 136 ff.

2 See No. CXXVIII.