deeply to be regretted in this state of things, see no reason why the Executive Government should feel itself essentially embarrassed in its course of Action upon the present occasion. If the Assembly on being convened annually, as by the Law is necessary, should adopt any violent or intemperate Proceedings, the Governor should prorogue or dissolve them. That Prorogation or dissolution with whatever inconvenience it may be attended to the Province, must be ascribed to those whose misconduct rendered it necessary. It will be of infinite importance that it should not be resorted to, till the cause of it should be evident to the whole Province And the more active the friends of Government may be in endeavouring to bring forward useful, and therefore popular Measures-the more ground the Province in general will have to regret the Prorogation or dissolution of the Assembly. His Majesty's Government earnestly recommend to you the Prorogation rather than the dissolution of the Assembly, unless there is reason to believe from a change in the temper of the People, that a more favorable Assembly will be elected. A Prorogation has equally the effect with a Dissolution of quashing every Proceeding of the Assembly - And it is not at all desirable that the Province should be kept in a continual state of ferment by Annual Elections, when by Law they are only necessary, once in four years. I have etc. LIVERPOOL. LXXIX STATEMENT BY RYLAND TO MR. SECRETARY PEEL [Trans. Christie op. cit.] 11th February, 1811. The Assembly of Lower Canada, ever since the establishment of the present constitution, has been constantly endeavouring to acquire privileges beyond what was evidently intended by the Act of Parliament of the 31st of His Majesty', to be given to that body. But the disorganizing tendency of these attempts did not become apparent till towards the beginning of the year 1807, when a party was formed under the auspices of a few individuals of desperate fortunes, which soon obtained a preponderating influence in the House. Funds of a very suspicious origin were provided for the establishment of a press, and a paper intituled "Le Canadien" was published weekly in French, at a very low price, and circulated with uncommon industry throughout the Province. The chief object of this paper, though concealed under frequent professions of loyalty and devotion to His Majesty's person and Government, was to villify and bring into contempt the King's Representative, to persuade the mass of the people that the House of Assembly was superior to, and independent of the other branches of the Legislature, and to excite in the breasts of the French Canadians, the bitterest enmity against the English part of the community. With a view of trying how far the House would be permitted to go, motions were frequently made implying a right in the Assembly to superintend and control the Executive power, and more particularly to decide by their own resolves on the privileges to which that body might lay claim. The right of prohibiting, not only individuals, but certain classes of His Majesty's subjects, from being elected Members of the Assembly, was attempted in the Session of 1809 to be carried by a simple resolve of the House, and such was the nature of the proceedings on the occasion, that the Governor, with the unanimous advice of the Executive Council, judged it expedient suddenly to prorogue the Provincial Legislature, and soon afterwards to dissolve the House of Assembly. 1 See No. LV. See No. LXXIII. By the time of the general election, however, the influence obtained by the French party through the means of the paper above mentioned, became so powerful as to secure even a more decided majority in the House than it had before, and in the subsequent Session of 1810 after two Bills only had been passed, the Governor found it expendient again to have recourse to a dissolution. It is to be remarked that, in the same Session of 1810, a resolve was proposed and carried by the leading democratic members, “That the House "of Assembly ought to vote, during that Session, the necessary sums for "defraying the Civil expense of the Government of the Province." This was followed up by separate addresses to the King, to the Lords, spiritual and temporal, and to the Commons of Great Britain, in Parliament assembled, declaring the intention of the House of Assembly to take upon itself "to pay the Civil expenditure of the Provincial Government." The real motive for this measure was too obvious to escape the attention of the most superficial observer; indeed, the party did not hesitate to boast to their adherents out of doors, that after having once obtained the right of managing the Civil expenditure, their intention was, to reduce the salaries of the public officers to such a standard as the House should judge proper, and finally to exercise an unlimited control over the Executive power. These extraordinary circumstances induced the Governor in Chief to make a special representation to the Earl of Liverpool of the state of the Province, and to send home his Secretary (Mr. Ryland) with his despatches, "in order that he might be at hand to afford every explanation and "every information in his power, that His Majesty's Ministers might require "concerning the several objects on which he had written." Mr. Ryland reached London the first week in August, between which time and the closing of the September mail he had the honor of repeated interviews with the Earl of Liverpool, who entered very minutely into the several matters submitted to him by Sir James Craig, the Governor in Chief. The Governor having recommended an interference on the part of the Imperial Parliament for the purpose of checking the efforts of a party whose proceedings had all the appearance of being directed by French influence, this subject was taken into immediate consideration, and Mr. Ryland was desired to attend a meeting of the Cabinet Ministers' for the purpose of answering enquiries concerning the political state of Lower Canada. Previous to the closing of the September Mail, the Earl of Liverpool did Mr. Ryland the honor of communicating to him a despatch to Sir James Craig, from which it appeared, that His Majesty's Ministers did not judge it expedient to make the affairs of Lower Canada a subject of Parliamentary discussion. At the same time His Lordship was pleased to intimate, that there were several objects of great importance proposed in the letters from the Governor in Chief, which did not require Legislative interference, although essentially connected with the power and influence of the Crown in Lower Canada, and these His Lordship expressed an intention of bringing under discussion in the course of the winter; but the distressing event of His Majesty's indisposition has hitherto prevented these matters from being taken into ultimate consideration. The principal points here referred to are: First. The assumption, on the part of the Crown, of the patronage of the Romish Church, as directed by the Royal Instructions, but hitherto neglected to be carried into execution by the several Governors of the Province. Sir James Craig's opinion with respect to the most eligible means of carrying this measure into effect was stated in a letter to Mr. Secretary Peel, dated the 4th of August last. Second. A decision respecting the estates formerly possessed by the 1 Ryland quotes from The Journals of the House of Assembly, 10 Feb., 1810. The address is given in Doughty and McArthur, p. 366. See No. LXXV. See No. LXXVIII. Jesuits in Lower Canada, and those which, at the time of the conquest of the Province, were held by the Society of St. Sulpicians at Paris, commonly called the Montreal Seminary Estates. This extensive and very valuable property, the right to which is indisputably vested in the Crown, would, under able management, not only afford ample means for the purposes of public education, but the surplus monies arising therefrom, if added to the casual and territorial revenue of the Crown, and to the permanent duties already established by Acts of the Legislature would, there is reason to believe, soon render the Provincial funds, that are at the disposal of the Crown, adequate to the payment of the ordinary expenses of the Civil government, and preclude the necessity of having recourse either to the House of Assembly, or to the Military Chest (as hitherto has been customary), to make good the yearly dificiencies. Third.-The adoption of a system for the more speedy settlement of the waste lands of the Crown, by which means the English population, the agriculture, commerce, and revenues of the Province might be rapidly increased. By the plan adopted in Upper Canada for the settlement of the waste lands, a population of upwards of eighty thousand inhabitants has, within the last sixteen years, been added to that Colony, whilst in the Lower Province the increase from this source, during the same period, has not amounted to twenty thousand. Should the Earl of Liverpool deem these matters of sufficient importance to claim the immediate attention of Government, Mr. Ryland is led to hope (from his having held the Situation of Governor's Secretary in Lower Canada ever since the return of Lord Dorchester to that Province in the year 1793, and the knowledge his official duties have given him of all which has passed concerning them) that he might be enabled to afford some assistance towards bringing them to a final conclusion; and he would be happy to be employed during the remainder of his stay here in any way in which His Lordship may think it possible for him to contribute to the accomplishment of the important objects which the Governor in Chief of His Majesty's North American Provinces had in view in sending him to England. H. W. R. LXXX AN ACT DISQUALIFYING JUDGES FROM SITTING IN THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY OF LOWER CANADA [Trans. Doughty and McArthur.] AN ACT for declaring Judges to be disabled and disqualifying them, from being elected, or from Sitting and Voting in the House of Assembly. (21st March, 1811.) Whereas it is expedient to make effectual provision for excluding Judges of His Majesty's Courts of King's Bench within this Province from being elected or sitting and voting in the House of Assembly of this Province, Be it therefore enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council, and Assembly of the Province of Lower Canada,, constituted and assembled by virtue of and under the authority of An Act of the Parliament of Great Britain passed in the thirty-first year of His Majesty's Reign, intituled, "An Act "to repeal certain parts of an Act passed in the fourteenth year of His "Majesty's Reign," intituled "An Act for making more effectual provision "for the Government of the Province of Quebec in North America," and to make further provision for the Government of the said Province." And it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same that from and after the passing of this act, no person who shall be a Judge of either of His Majesty's Courts of King's Bench within this Province, shall be capable of being elected or of sitting, or voting, as a Member of Assembly in any Provincial Parliament. LXXXI MEMOIRE' AU SOUTIEN DE LA REQUETE DES HABITANS DU REGENT, HUMBLEMENT SOUMIS A LA CONSIDER- [Trans. Christie, op. cit.] N.B.-A printed copy of this Memoire is supposed to have accompanied a general address that was forwarded to England in the year 1814; and there is every reason to believe that the said printed paper was transmitted by the Secretary of State to Sir George Prevost, who put it into the hands of several persons, but without mentioning from whom he received it, and it is very certain that the Memoire itself was communicated only to a very few select persons, the people at large knowing no more of it than they did of what was then passing in the moon. [H. W. Ryland.] Nous regardons notre constitution actuelle comme celle qui est la plus capable de faire notre bonheur, et notre plus grand désir serait d'en pouvoir jouir suivant l'intention de sa Majesté et de son Parlement; mais malheureusement, la manière dont elle a été administrée, jusqu'ici, lui donne un effet bien opposé à cette intention. Ce mauvais effet est une suite de la manière dont se sont formés les partis de cette province. Lorsque notre constitution nous a été donnée, les anciens sujets (dénommés Anglais dans le pays, de quelques nations q'ils soient) étaient en possession des places du gouvernement. Si quelques Canadiens y étaient admis, c'etait sur leur recommandation, et ils étaient choisis du nombre de ceux qui leur étaient dévoués. Depuis la constitution, les choses ont continué sur le même pied, les anciens sujets ont continué d'être en possession des places, et sont devenus le parti du gouvernement; le canal des recommandations est continué le même, et il n'a été admis aux places, comme auparavant que quelques Canadiens dont le dévouement était connu. Comme les Canadiens composent la masse du peuple, la majorité de la Chambre d'Assemblée s'est trouvée composée de Canadiens, et les Anglais, avec quelques Canadiens dévoués, ont formé la minorité; et comme les Canadiens de la minorité, librement élus par le peuple, ne se trouvaient pas avoir le dévouement nécessaire, ils n'ont pu avoir part aux places. Les membres qui ont été fait Conseillers Exécutifs ont été pris dans la minorité, le parti du gouvernement s'est trouvé lié avec la minorité de la Chambre d'Assemblée, et la majorité, c'est-a-dire la Chambre d'Assemblés elle-même, à laquelle est attachée la masse du peuple, re gardée comme un corps étranger, à peine reconnu du gouvernement et des autres branches de la législature, a été laissée dans l'opposition comme destinée à être menée par la force; et effectivement les gens du parti anglais, qui avaient manqué de succès dans les efforts qu'ils avaient faits pour que la constitution leur fut donnée à eux seuls, et que les Canadiens n'y eussent aucune part, se trouvèrent, étant devenus le parti du gouvernement, avec un moyen d'empêcher les Canadiens d'en jouir autrement qu'ils ne le voulaient eux-mêmes. A chaque fois que les Canadiens ont voulu proposer quelque chose qui n'était pas conforme aux idées de ce parti, ils se sont trouvés en opposition avec le gouvernement, et ont été traités de mauvais sujets et de gens opposés au gouvernement. Le gouvernement n'a aucune communi 1 This is one of the earliest statements of the case for the majority in Lower Canada. It must be compared with "The Ninety-two Resolutions" (see No. CXIV). It contains an early suggestion for some kind of “responsible government." cation avec la majorité de l'Assemblée que par le moyen des conseillers et gens en place de la minorité, qui, étant rivaux de la majorité, sont peu propres à la bien représenter. Il est en leur pouvoir de faire telles représentations que bon leur semble de ses mesures, de ses sentimens et de ses intentions, et n'étant point de la majorité, ils sont plutôt comme des ESPIONS employés par ic gouvernement pour épier cette majorité, que comme les membres par lesquels un corps communique régulièrement avec son gouvernement. Les plans et projets du gouvernement sont préparés par les conseillers de la minorité, avec les autres conseillers, sans la participation des membres de la majorité, et sont ensuite apportés à la Chambre pour être passés par la majorité, et la majorité n' a alors d'autre alternative que de les passer ou de se trouver en opposition avec la minorité, c'est-à-dire avec le gouvernement, et d'être traitée comme on traiterait des rebelles au gouvernement. Le style des gens du gouvernement, avec des talens le plus souvent assez médiocres, et n'ayant qu'un lustre et un mérite qui leur est étranger, peut facilement être imaginé. Les divisions de la Chambre d'Assemblée deviennent nationales; les Anglais d'un côté formant la minorité, à la quelle est lié le gouvernement, et les Canadiens de l'autre formant la majorité, à laquelle est attachée la masse du peuple; la chaleur de ces divisions nationales passe de la Chambre d'Assemblée dans le peuple, tout le pays se trouve devisé en deux partis; le parti anglais du gouvernement d'un côté, et la masse du peuple de l'autre. Cette apparence des Canadiens Catholiques Français en opposition avec leur gouvernement, augmente con tinuellement contre eux les préjugés de la partie vulgaire du parti anglais, qui les traite de bonne foi de la manière la plus révoltante pour en peuple qui se sent loyal; et ainsi plus les Canadiens veulent jouir de leur constitution, plus ils donnent matière au prétexte sur lequel le parti anglais fonde son intérêt comme parti, savoir, celui du peu de confiance qu'on doit avoir dans les Canadiens. Les gouverneurs qui ne connaissent les Canadiens que par les gens du parti anglais qui sont dans les emplois du gouvernement, sont frappés de les voir continuellement opposés au gouvernement et aux. Anglais, et ne peuvent s'empêcher de contracter bientôt les mêmes préjugés qu'eux, qu'ils font sans doute passer au gouvernement de la mère-patrie; de sorte que l'effet naturel de l'exercise de la constitution par les Canadiens, est d'enflammer la division entre les Anglais et eux, de les faire regarder ici comme de mauvais sujets toujours opposés à leur gouvernement et aux Anglais, et de donner une mauvaise idée d'eux au gouvernement de Sa Majesté, en Angleterre. A chaque fois que les Canadiens, encouragés par l'idée de leur constitution, ont essayé d'en jouir, ils ont été terrassés, comme opposés au gouvernement; ils ont encore le coeur brisé de traitemens qu'ils ont éprouvés sous l'administration du gouvernement précédent. Il leur semble être les jouets d'une contradiction étrange, comme si d'un côté une constitution leur eût été donnée, sans doute pour en jouir, et que que de l'autre il eut été placé un gouvernement exprès pour les en empêcher, ou au moins pour empêcher qu'ils ne puissent le faire, sans paraitre mauvais sujets. Ils sont plus mal que s'ils eussent été privés d'avoir part à la constitution, et qu'elle eût été donnée aux anciens sujets seuls; car ils ne seraient pas plus privés d'en jouir, et elle ne serait pas un moyen de les rendre odieux à la mère patrie. Il leur parait impossible que l'administration soit placée dans les mains d'un parti qui les regarde comme leurs rivaux, sans que l'effet direct soit de les tenir continuellement, et comme exprès, en opposition avec leur gouvernement. Ce parti a intérêt de les faire passer pour déloyaux; il a intérêt de les gouverner de manière à les faire paraitre tels; de manière même à les rendre tels pour qu'ils le paraissent. L'effet d'une telle administration qui tient continuellement le peuple en opposition avec son gouvernement ne peut être que bien mauvais. L'administration elle-même ne peut être propre à attacher le peuple au gouvernement; elle paraît, au contraire celle qui serait la plus propre |