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of Hungary, while remaining merely a morganatic wife in Austria, she will occupy a peculiarly paradoxical and equivocal, not to say an impossible position. It is scarcely surprising that under such circumstances the Archduke Franz Ferdinand should be suspected of desiring to ignore the undertakings required of him by the law of Austrian succession, so as to secure for his wife and children, especially his son, the throne of the Hapsburgs. He is, indeed, believed to be bent on overcoming all opposition, however violent, and that there is opposition goes without saying. The existence of powerful Court cabals against the Archduke and the Princess Hohenberg-of which the Archduchess Grizella, the eldest daughter of the present Emperor and the wife of Prince Ferdinand of Bavaria, and the Archduchess Isabella, are the ringleaders-has long been a matter of common knowledge. These great ladies, who at one time enjoyed the countenance of the German Emperor, would transfer the Crown from the Archduke Franz Ferdinand to his nephew young Charles Francis Joseph, the son of Otho, younger brother of Franz Ferdinand. It was even rumored that the Emperor Francis Joseph regarded this intrigue with a favorable eye, as he would have so much preferred to be succeeded by his great-nephew rather than by his nephew, but there is no serious confirmation of this gossip, and recent events indicate that the Emperor is prepared to accord his rightful place in the Monarchy to the Heir-Presumptive. For some time the hostile cabal has been in a state of suspended animation, and to-day Princess Hohenberg is the object of attentions to which she was formerly a stranger. She recently received a visit from the German Crown Prince-the first member of a reigning royal family to pay

this compliment-and what was still more significant, at a dinner given in honor of the Crown Prince, at which the Archduchess Isabella was also present, Princess Hohenberg sat between the Emperor Francis Joseph and the German Heir-Apparent.

It is rumored in Court circles in Vienna that Franz Ferdinand has already bespoken the good offices of the Vatican in the steps necessary to relieve him of the oath imposed by the statute regulating the succession of the House of Hapsburg, excluding his young wife from the Austrian throne. This contingency would only arise after the death of Francis Joseph, when the Archduke would have himself become Austrian Emperor and master of the destinies of the Dual Monarchy. Doubtless such action would excite formidable opposition at the Austrian Court, but the future Emperor is not easily intimidated, and he will do his utmost to secure his end. He is already strengthening his position in the army, in which he has made himself popular by effecting wise reforms. Thus in 1905, when representing the Emperor at the manoeuvres in Dalmatia, he took upon himself to retire the then Chief of the Staff, Baron von Beck, whom he replaced by one of his own men, General Konrad, who is still Chief of the Staff of the Austro-Hungarian army. He has since devoted himself to carrying out a comprehensive constructive policy of army reform, including the reconstitution of the General Staff, the re-distribution of army corps, the creation of a reserve artillery, the increase of the military contingent, and the expansion of the navy. He has likewise conducted a courageous campaign against "Court Generals," and almost every number of the official Military Gazette announces that one or other of these personages has been placed on the retired list, their places 'being taken by

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bors bore fruit during the recent Near Eastern crisis, when both fleet and army were rapidly and effectively mobilized, Europe being surprised by the vigor and vitality displayed by the Dual Monarchy.

For nearly ten years Francis Joseph kept the heir to the throne outside public affairs. The Prince was for all practical purposes non-existent, being without power or authority. But ultimately the Emperor realized that this rigid ostracism was bad for the future of his dominions. At first he confined his nephew to such trivial matters as the granting of leave to generals, the promotion of minor functionaries, sporting affairs, &c. &c. Gradually the relations between the Sovereign and his heir became more cordial, if not intimate, though the conflict between the Crown and the party of Hungarian independence gave rise to an incident which checked this rapprochement. The weary Emperor was prepared to make considerable concessions, to the annoyance of the Archduke, who was credited with saying, "A Crown is a sort of trust of which not any one, not even the reigning Sovereign, is entitled to diminish the prestige." This comment was repeated to the Emperor, who was offended and a coolness ensued between uncle and nephew, but it did not last, and the Archduke speedily recovered his influence which has grown steadily year by year, and of late the world has realized that he has become a considerable factor in the Dual Monarchy. It is universally recognized in Vienna that Franz Ferdinand was mainly responsible for the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as also for the fall of the Beck Cabinet. Thus he has exercised direct and powerful influence LIVING AGE. VOL. XLIV. 2322.

on the two chief events of the day, foreign and domestic. It is indeed no longer permissible to doubt that despite hostile intrigues, the Heir-Presumptive has more than regained his influence and henceforward beside the setting Imperial sun, there is a rising Imperial sun towards which the illcompacted inhabitants of the Dual Monarchy direct a questioning if not anxious gaze.

Foreign countries are equally interested in knowing what manner of man is the coming Emperor and King of Austria-Hungary. In domestic poli

tics the opinions of Franz Ferdinand are fairly well known, as his acts speak with sufficient lucidity. He is an ardent Catholic, an enemy of Jews and Calvinists, who desires above all things that the Austro-Hungarian Empire should remain a Catholic Empire. He has persistently supported the fervid Catholic propaganda carried on in Bosnia and Herzegovina by Mgr. Stadler, the Archbishop of Sarajevo. He is in close relations with the Christian Socialists, who are led by the notorious Dr. Lueger, the anti-Semitic Burgomaster of Vienna, and the Archduke is credited with saying: "The enemies of the Church are the enemies of our country," which speaks volumes for his sentiments as a militant Catholic, while his inclination to adopt the title of Francis II., out of regard for the monarch of the Treaty of Vienna and the Holy Alliance, is equally significant. In a word, Franz Ferdinand is the hope of the Conservative forces of the Empire.' He is a no less convinced partisan of universal suffrage, believing, as he does, that such a measure would consolidate the crown

1 Certain Viennese newspapers are alarmed at the ultra-Conservative and clerical tendencies of the Emperor of to-morrow. For instance, on November 23, the" Neues Wiener Tageblatt," in speaking of the "new course" towards which the future policy of the Monarchy appeared to be moving, expressed its anxiety at the outlook, and also as to the consequences of an anti-Hungarian policy.

of the Hapsburgs and weaken the position of the Magyars, whom Franz Ferdinand mistrusts. The action of the Hungarian Parliament in recognizing Princess Hohenberg as the future Queen of Hungary did less than might have been expected to establish friendly relations between the Archduke and the Hungarians, while the prolonged and frequently acute crisis between the Crown and the party of Hungarian Independence, towards whom the Archduke advised strong measures, perturbed political circles in Budapest. There have been other differences. It is alleged that among the grievances of the Archduke against the Hungarian Government was the question of the bishopric of Groswardein which the Archduke desired to confer upon his Hungarian tutor, Joseph Langi, Bishop in partibus. The Hungarian Government demurred, ostensibly on the ground of its inabil ity to provide the necessary endowment. Franz Ferdinand's annoyance at this rebuff was aggravated on learning that a démarche had already been made in Rome with a view to conferring the bishopric of Groswardein on another candidate. Shortly afterwards a brilliant reception was held at Budapest in honor of the King of Spain, at which the Archduke appeared to completely ignore Count Apponyi, the Minister of Instruction, and when the Hungarian Government sought to pay its respects, Franz Ferdinand brusquely left Budapest in order to avoid a displeasing audience. It is therefore hardly surprising that when last November it was stated in Vienna that the Emperor contemplated celebrating the jubilee of his accession by conferring a co-regency upon his nephew, the Hungarian press should have entered a unanimous and vehement protest. On November 26 the Budapesti Hirlap cited Article 3 of the Hungarian Constitution-which the

Sovereign had sworn to observe explicitly stipulating that any change of sovereignty or affecting the rights of sovereignty required the consent of the Hungarian Parliament, adding that while no one could prevent the Emperor from abdicating, it would be contrary to the fundamental laws of Hungary that he should share the sovereignty with any one else. This did not imply that Francis Joseph could not delegate his powers and privileges as regards certain functions, provided always that such functions were within the limits of the Hungarian Constitution. The leading Hungarian organ ended by recalling the fact that when Maria Theresa wished to make her husband, Francis of Lorraine, coregent with herself, she was compelled to consult the Hungarian Parliament, which, by Law 4, 1741, limited their co-regency to functions not affecting the sovereignty.

The

Latterly the relations between the Heir-Presumptive and the Hungarian Government have been less strained. The Archduke received several Magyar statesmen in order to discuss the Balkan crisis, and it is believed that during these audiences he dwelt on the impossibility of weakening the bonds between Hungary and Austria. army, for instance, must remain as it is. For if it were once decided to meet the Magyars' wishes by making the Hungarian language the only language in the Hungarian Army, instantly Czechs, Croats, Poles and other nationalities would claim similar privileges for their languages, to the disintegration of the army if not to the dismemberment of the Empire. There is nothing surprising in this attitude, which at once accords with the known ideal of the Archduke to make the Dual Monarchy a closely united Empire inspired by national ambitions, as also with his own acts, always in conformity with this ideal,

which have steadily tended to consolidate the Empire, and to enable it to surmount the difficulties by which it is threatened. En resumé it may be said that as regards internal policy, there is hardly room for speculation as to the course likely to be adopted by the Archduke should he become Emperor.

But what of his external policy? It must, I think, be admitted that in this sphere his views seem more obscure and less definite. As I pointed out on a previous page, at one time, not so very long ago, the German Emperor supported the cabal of certain Archduchesses against Franz Ferdinand and his wife, its avowed object being to deprive them of their position. Consequently the Archduke regarded the German Imperial family with anything but friendly eyes. A striking instance of this hostility occurred in 1906, when the newspapers had announced that Franz Ferdinand was about to spend some days with his family at St. Moritz in Switzerland. On the eve of his departure he learnt that the German Crown Prince was also going to St. Moritz, and would be leaving Berlin on the same day that he was to leave Vienna. Accordingly the following paragraph appeared in the Austrian Press: "The German Crown Prince leaves Berlin to-day for St. Moritz where he will stay a week. The Archduke Franz Ferdinand, who was to have gone to St. Moritz to-day, will delay his departure by a week."

Ultimately the German Emperor became alarmed at the hostility of the

2 According to current gossip, the Archduke's irritation against the German Crown Prince had been stimulated by a trivial incident during that same year, 1906, when the Crown Prince, on returning from Gmunden, ordered lunch at the buffet at Veseli in Bohemia. The manager of the buffet, in honor of the occasion, spent 1200 francs in entertaining his royal guest, presenting the latter with a nominal bill for 120 francs, which however the Prince objected to as excessive, complained to the German Consul at Prague, and succeeded in getting the manager dismissed. The latter appealed to the Archduke, who secured his reinstatement.

Heir-Presumptive of Austria-Hungary towards the Hohenzollerns, and resolved coute que coute upon a reconciliation with which object he invited Franz Ferdinand to be his guest during the grand manoeuvres of the German army in Lorraine last autumn. Franz Ferdinand was more surprised than pleased by this overture which he met with marked reserve, and in the beginning of September it was freely stated in Vienna, in Berlin and in Munich that he would not go to Lorraine. His entourage were convinced that he would not participate in a demonstration on the soil of one of the annexed provinces, which was both inopportune and objectionable, and calculated to hurt the susceptibilities of France. But Wilhelm II., not to be denied, made an urgent appeal to the Emperor Francis Joseph to use his influence with his nephew, and the venerable monarch, incapable of denying anything to his tempestuous ally, earnestly endeavored to overcome the Archduke's objections. On September 10 it was announced that the Archduke had accepted the invitation of the German Emperor, to the great surprise of Court circles in Vienna. Baron von Aerenthal is believed to have backed the appeal of his Sovereign by the argument that at that particular moment the Dual Monarchy could not afford to exasperate William II. Franz Ferdinand's visit to the German manœuvres was short, and although the German Emperor was prodigal in his attentions and brimming over with amiability, it was thought that his guest remained an unwilling guest to the end, and that the relations between the two men never got beyond mere courtesy. It was, however, announced on September 30 that the German Emperor would shortly visit the Archduke at Eckartsau on the banks of the Danube, an indication of

more friendly relations than formerly between the two men.

The publication of the Imperial interview in the Daily Telegraph (October 28, 1908) made a painful impression on Franz Ferdinand who thought that William II.'s prestige must suffer severely at the very moment that for high political reasons he had sought a rapprochement. But events worked for the Kaiser, and the visit to Eckartsau in November cemented the friendship between guest and host, who was sensibly affected by the categorical undertakings of William II. to support Austria in the bold Balkan policy upon which she had embarked under the auspices of Baron von Aerenthal on the instigation of the Archduke. The reconciliation between Franz Ferdinand and the German Court was emphasized by the subsequent visit paid to the Heir-Presumptive and Princess Hohenberg at their Palace of Belvedere by the German Crown Prince during his stay in Vienna, already referred to.

There are those who maintain that this entente is purely political, that it was only effected for reasons of State, and was contrary to the personal sentiments of the Archduke, who, however, realized that the interests of AustriaHungary demanded close association with Germany. It is likewise affirmed that Franz Ferdinand only consented to "make it up" with the Hohenzollerns, whom he had cordially disliked, and who had disliked him, when it was demonstrated to him that British power was illusory. Who effected this conversion? I do not know. Possibly it was another of those German intrigues of which we have had such abundance of late years. The upshot is that for the time being the Archduke has abandoned his former prejudices, but we should bear in mind that he remains an ardent Catholic and an Austrian nationalist dreaming of a

no

greater Austria and that personally he is self-willed, determined, and anything but pliable. When he mounts the throne of the Hapsburgs, such a character cannot fail to be a considerable factor in international affairs. It might be interesting to speculate upon the probable relations of the future Austrian Emperor with the present German Emperor, the two men being so totally dissimilar; but time alone can solve the enigma. The future policy of the Dual Monarchy largely depends upon this relationship. The reconciliation of William II. with Franz Ferdinand should not make us forget their former hostility nor should we forget that the Archduke harbors personal hatred towards either France or Great Britain. In fact he feels very much drawn towards both those countries-for France he has considerable sympathy, in spite of certain disquieting aspects of her internal policy, which naturally disturb his Catholic mind, and he thoroughly appreciates the loyalty of the French Government in foreign affairs, while he disapproves of the Bismarckian policy of Germany towards her neighbor. He is in favor of preserving the very friendly relations with England which have so long united the two reigning houses, as also the Governments of London and Vienna, except for passing breezes. Such views scarcely accord with the vaulting ambition and passions of Germany, and they make all but the most dogmatic hesitate in forecasting the external policy of the future Emperor and King of AustriaHungary. Though a convinced German, Franz Ferdinand is a Catholic German who desires that the centre of German activity shall be Vienna rather than Berlin. Whereas the Emperor Francis Joseph has frequently subordinated Austro-Hungarian policy to the perilous impulses of his wayward neighbor, Franz Ferdinand is likely to

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