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warlike Persia. She holds nearly all agreeable development Russia can the other northern towns, and she has avoid only by maintaining a close pushed southwards to Urmiah. The friendship with Germany. next phase may be a blundering sui- The pivot on which the whole fate cidal resistance from the Persians of the Triple Entente turns is in short themselves led by their Caucasian al- the character of the Russian Governlies. That will be the pretext for a ment. It has perfected the art of still more extended military occupation, trading on its own weaknesses. Preduring wbich we shall all forget to ask cisely because it is so nearly bankwhen the new Parliament is going to rupt, France dare not break the bond meet. Russia, in short, will make of or cease to lend money. Precisely be her "sphere of influence" a real de- cause we do not trust its good faith, pendency, and we, finding Teheran un- . we dare not insist on too much loyalty. der her control, will be forced to do For we know that the bureaucracy and the like in ours. That is certainly the the Court are always in delicate equiplan which commends itself to the poise. The function of the first is to Russian reaction, and it is for the mo- make treaties and of the second to ment in the ascendant. But the con- break them. We know that if we sequences of such development press too hard on the letter of the Perwould not be felt by the Persians şian Agreement, the reply will be a alone. The Turks would bitterly re- heavy lurch in Russian policy towards sent and might even resist a prolonged the rival German camp. We never Russian military occupation of North- know in an emergency whether the ern Persia. Already their dread of decision will lie with the Tsar, or with this has caused them to look with dis- a Minister whom we think that we trust upon us as the allies of Russia. can within certain limits trust. A They are no longer in the mood which more risky or less profitable partnercaused them last autumn to talk of ship it would be hard to conceive. It concluding a defensive alliance with was prematurely concluded. Had the Great Britain. Their inclinations are French and ourselves but cared to veering again towards the German con- wait a few months in April 1906, when nection, partly out of resentment for Count Witte concluded the ninety milthe comments of the l'imes and the at- lion loan in London and Paris (the titude of some members of our Em- first Russian loan ever floated in Lonbassy staff during their internal crisis, don since the Crimean War), it is but still more because they realize that probable that Russia might have the ties which bind us to Russia are been to-day a Constitutional country. stronger than the sympathies which For a refusal on our part to grant any link us to them. Here once more is a loan until the Duma (then about to situation with which German diplo. meet) had endorsed it would have macy may, if it chooses, play. An placed in the hands of the Liberal maemissary of the Persian Nationalities jority a weapon with which they might was told (as I have learned from his have extorted the concession of a reown lips) by a high personage who re- sponsible Parliamentary Ministry. ceived him in Berlin, that Great Brit- That chance has gone, and to-day, ain and Russia “will not be allowed" competing at every turn with Gerto occupy Persia. One need not dwell many, it is no longer easy for us to too literally on that promise; but it spare any influence to throw into the suggests possibilities if Germany were popular scale. We look on unmoved, to back a Turkish protest. That dis- so far at least as our officially minded 461

press is concerned, at all the abom- helped it to enlist the middle class in
inations of the reign of terror over its Navy League. We have helped it
which M. Stolypin presides. It is to crush the working class. Only be-
'even possible for the Times to an- cause of the general sense of danger
nounce that it "reveres" the Tsar, was Prince Bülow able to summon the
whose complicity in the worst


whole patriotism of the German people cesses of the “Black Hundreds” has to sink its party differences in an Imbeen exposed in its columns.

Our en

perialist "bloc." We have silenced try into the Continental system has in every voice which might in Germany six brief years brought us to an al- have seconded our plea for the remost Bismarckian cynicism. We are duction of armaments. Even the Socourting the Tsar, much as the Kaiser cial Democrats laugh at the patent incourted Abdul Hamid. A Power sincerity of a pacifism which seeks, which embarks on a struggle for pre- by professing disinterested aims, to dominance in Europe must be prepared snatch an advantage for itself amid a to dissemble its respect for liberty and struggle for predominance. The end to grasp any hand that may ald it. of this gigantic rivalry is beyond the We are not the stronger for our al- range of our vision. It may subside liances. We dare no longer speak our by the exhaustion even of the stronger own minds without the fear of offend- Powers. It may collapse through the ing the Russian Tsar; we dare no difficulty, amid the general demoralilonger implement the pledges we have zation, of trusting the good faith of given to the Persians, lest perchance any ally. It may perhaps provoke the some Court intrigue at Tsarköe Selo proletarian revolt to which Lord Roseshould ruin what we call our influence. bery looks forward. But the first

And yet, it will be said, there were step to any remedy is to realize that always at Berlin those restless ambi- it has come about by no inevitable destions, that readiness to resort to force, tiny, but by the deliberate will of inwhich have made half the anxieties of dividuals, Our own statesmen have Europe. Were we not to combat done much to intensify it.

We canthem, and even to combine against not with consistency deplore the fact them? One may admit a justification that we are “rattling into barbarism,” for a passive and defensive combina- and in the same breath declare, withtion, but not for a league whose basis out distinction of party, our blind faith was the penetration of Morocco and in the two Foreign Secretaries who the partition of Persia. One may ad- have involved us in the process. Two mit the ideal of Liberal group

principles are at issue. We claim the and a league of peace, but had official right to dispose in our own way of Russia natural place in such a certain spheres of influence, which we group? But the first consequence of assign to ourselves and our allies. any combination, even a sincerely de- Germany is determined that nothing fensive combination, is that it deep- shall happen in the world without her ens all the latent antagonism which it consent. The only way to reconcile seeks to meet, and sanctifies an ag- these principles is to work on the asgressive temper by allowing it to as- sumption that nothing ought to happen sume the pose

of defence. The in the world without the consent of Junker spirit, which we sought to op- every civilized Power. We can end pose, is not eternal. By our policy of the war of groups only by creating a "penning-in” we have perpetuated its real concert. ascendency in Germany. We have

H. V. Brailsford. The English Review.




There is a thing which is often called progress, but which only occurs in dull and stale conditions; it is indeed, not progress, but a sort of galloping plagiarism. To carry the same fashion further and further is not a mark of energy, but a mark of fatigue. One can fancy that in the fantastic decline of some Chinese civilization one might find things automatically increasing, simply because everybody had forgotten what the things were meant for. Hats might be bigger than umbrellas, because every one had forgotten to wear them. Walking sticks might be taller than lances, because nobody ever thought of taking them out on

a walk. The human mind never goes so fast as that except when it has got into a groove.

The converse is also true. All really honest and courageous thought has a tendency to look like truism. For strong thought about a thing is always thought about its original nature; while weak thought is always thought about its most recent developments. The really bold thinker is never afraid of platitude; because platitudes are the great primeval foundations. The bold thinker is not afraid to say of the hat that it is a covering for the head; when he has said that he knows that he has his hat and his head in the right place. The strong thinker does not shrink from saying that the walking stick is a stick with which one goes walking; then he knows that he has got hold of the right end of the stick. All civilizations show some tendency towards that weak-minded sort of progress which is mere accumulation. Some time ago a well-dressed English gentleman wore two or three waist-coats. It would be easy to be purely progressive about him, to make him wear more and more waistcoats

of different colors until he died. Some time ago a Japanese nobleman wore two swords; it would be easy to be progressive and suggest nine swords or twenty-three swords. But the strong thinker does not go forward with the flood, but back to the fountain. If once we think about what a sword is and what it symbolizes, we shall see that a man ought to have one sword because he has one right hand. And if we meditate deeply upon what a waistcoat is, it will become apparent to us, after a brief effort of philology, that a man ought not to bave more than one waistcoat unless he has more than one waist. All tame and trivial thought is concerned with following a fashion onward to its logical extremity. All clear and courageous thought is concerned with following it back to its logical root. A man may make hats larger and larger and be only as mad as a hatter. But if he can quite perfectly explain what a hat is he must have the great sanity of Aristotle.

Now, in that quarrel about the function of the two sexes which has lately disturbed a section of our wealthier classes, nothing seems to me more marked than this habit of pursuing a thing to its conclusion when we have not tracked it to its origin. Many of the women who wish for votes urge their case entirely as a development from what exists. They argue from precedent, that most poisonous and senseless of all the products of our Protestant Constitution. Precedent is the opposite of doctrine. These ladies, who believe themselves revolutionary, are really moving along that line of least resistance which is the es. sence of the evil sort of conservatism. They say, "Men have votes; why shouldn't women have votes?" I have


met many able and admirable ladies vote, it is a proof that she ought not who were full of reasons why women to have it. She should be refused should have votes. But when I asked just as a would-be nun should be rethem why men should have votes they fused who has no vocation except a did not know.

wish to wear the costume. I shall pursue here the opposite Now this is exactly where my per

I shall try to start with a sonal lament begins. I weep for the truth, even if it is a truism. I shall collapse and complete surrender of try to state the substance of suffrage, Woman. People tell me that this modinstead of pulling it out into long ern movement is a revolt against man strings like liquorice or treacle till it by woman. It seems to me to be the reaches the end of the world. If the utter submission of woman to man question stands whether a woman upon every point upon which they ever should have a vote, I beg leave to be- disagreed. That woman should ask gin by asking what a vote is, and even for a vote is not feminism; it is mas(so far as the subject can be safely culinism in its last and most insolent approached) what a woman is. But triumph. The whole point of view the nature of a vote is the vital ana which is peculiar to man is here ridreally interesting thing.

ing so ruthlessly and contemptuously I trust that the reader will remem- over the whole point of view that is ber that I am, for the moment, the pro- peculiar to woman that I cannot but fessor of platitudes. As the man seek- regret it, though it is the triumph of ing to preserve sanity among hatters my own sex. After all, I am a human would begin by reminding them that being as well as a male, and my pleas. hats have to cover heads, so I begin all ure in knowing that masculine prejustatements about the vote at the hum- dices are at last prevailing is poisoned blest and most evident end. Two with the thought that after all women things are quite clear about the vote. do exist, and that their present huFirst that it is entirely concerned with miliation cannot be good for the comgovernment that is with coercion. mon stock. Second, it is entirely concerned with The facts themselves, of course, are democratic government; that is, with clear enough. Voting, as has been said, government by chorus, government by involves two primary principles; it inpublic quarrel and public unanimity. volves the coercive idea, and it inFirst, to desire a vote means to de- volves the collective idea.

To push sire the power of coercing others; the and kick men into their senses, and to power of using a policeman. Second, push with a throng of arms, to kick it means that this power should be with a crowd of legs, that is the quite given not to princes or officials, but to just and rational meaning of voting: a human mass, a throng of citizens. it has no other just or rational meanIf any person does not mean by voting ing. And certainly the privilege coercion by the will of the masses, should be extended to everybody, certhen that person does not know what tainly the arms and legs might be of the word means. He (or rather she) any sex, if only this were quite (eris simply stunned with one monosylla- tainly clear and proved—that the coble that she does not understand. If ercive and the collective ideas are the

woman wants democracy or mob whole of human life. But the truth law, or even riot, I think she should is that the coercive and collective ideas be listened to most seriously and re- are not only a mere half of human spectfully. But if she only wants the life. but have been from the beginning

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mere half of the human species. women. Can anyone tell two From the dawn of the world there has things more vital to the race than been another point of view, the femi- these; what man shall marry what nine point of view, which was against woman, and what shall be the first mere force, but even more against thiugs taught to their first child? Yet mere argument. This strong feminine no one has ever been so mad as to position has kept the race healthy for suggest that either of these godlike hundreds of centuries. It has never and gigantic tasks should be conducted really been weakened until now.

by law. They are matters of emoEvery good man is half an anarch- tional management; of persuasion and ist. That is, that with half his mind dissuasion; of discouraging a guest or he feels it is a cruel and clumsy busi- encouraging a governess. This is the ness to be always catching his fellows first great argument for the old female in the man-traps of merely human by- point of view, and we could never laws, and torturing them with ropes deny that it had force. The old-fashand rods and long terms of living bur. ioned woman really said this: "What ial. Coercion is necessary, no doubt; can be the use of all your politics and but it should be conducted in the pres- policemen? The moment you come to ence of some permanent protest on be- a really vital question you dare not half of a humane anarchy. That pro- use them. For a foolish marriage, or test bas always been provided by the 'la bad education, for a broken heart or other half of life called Society; by a spoilt child, for the things that really the enormous

with which matter, your courts of justice can do women have managed their social em- nothing at all. When one live woman pire. They have done it not without is being neglected by a man, or one cruelty, but quite without coercion. live child by a mother, we can do They have made the cold shoulder as more by our meanest feminine dodges unmistakable as the branded shoulder; than you can do by the whole ap. they have found it quite easy to lock paratus of the British Constitution. A the offenders out, without finding it snub from a duchess or a slanging necessary to lock them in. Not only from a fishwife is more likely to put is one half of the good man an an- things right than all the votes in the archist, but the anarchist is his bet- world.” That has always been the ter half; the anarchist is his wife. It woman's great case against mere legalis the woman who stands for ever for ist machinery It is only one half of the futility of mere rules. Women the truth; but I am sorry to see the could justly contrast Society's Swift- women abandon it. ness with the law's delay. It takes But voting not only stands for the such a long time to condemn a man- coercive idea of government, but also and such a short time to snub him. for the collective idea of democracy. Tact is only a name for anarchy when And a surrender to collective deniocit works well. But this free and per- racy is even more of a feminine colsuasive method, for which women lapse than a surrender to regimentalhave stood from the beginning, has tion and legalism. Woman would be much stronger examples than any more herself if she refused to touch mere diplomacies of social life.

coercion altogether. That she may be The two or three most important the priestess of society it is necessary things in the world have always been that her hands should be as bloodless managed without law or government; as a priest's. I think Queen Victoria because they have been managed by would bare been more powerful still

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