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BUST OF SIR WILLIAM MOLESWORTH, BY BEHNES, IN THE LIBRARY OF PARLIAMENT, OTTAWA,

To face p. 1.

SELECTED SPEECHES

OF

SIR WILLIAM MOLESWORTH.

ON LORD GLENELG'S COLONIAL
ADMINISTRATION.

MARCH 6, 1838.

[Great excitement was aroused in political circles by this motion. Parties in the House of Commons were fairly evenly divided, and a coalition between Tories and Radicals might have resulted in a defeat of the Ministry. Lord Sandon, however, moved an amendment directed against the Canadian policy of the Government. Upon the original resolution having been withdrawn, this was defeated, on a strict party division, by a majority of twenty-nine. Molesworth abstained from voting, being unable to support or to condemn, on the lines of the amendment, the Government's action with regard to Canada. Although, of course, Sir W. Molesworth's procedure in picking out Lord Glenelg for censure was severely criticised by Ministers on the constitutional ground that the Government as a whole were responsible for the conduct of each single department, we now know from the Melbourne Papers and C. G. Greville's Journal how deep was the dissatisfaction with Lord Glenelg's administration of colonial affairs felt by his colleagues. In the following February he resigned ("turned out," according to Greville), and was succeeded at the Colonial Office by Lord Normanby.]

No member of this House ever more required indulgence than I do on this occasion The subject

M.

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which I have undertaken to bring before the House is of such great importance, and in some respects of so delicate a nature, that I cannot think of it without being forcibly, not to say fearfully, reminded of my own inability to do justice to it-of my inexperience and want of weight in the House. Such a topic in the hands of one who had acquired personal influence with the House, might well stimulate the speaker to exertions which should add to the respect already felt for him; but with me the importance and difficulty of the subject have a contrary effect, and only remind me how necessary it is to bespeak a kind allowance for my deficiencies. It is with this feeling of apprehension for myself that I am anxious to disclaim certain opinions with regard to colonies, which, I know not why, have been attributed to me, and which are, justly in my humble judgment, unpopular in this House and in the country. allude to the opinions of those who think that the best thing that a mother country can do with her colonies is to get rid of them. The saying, "Emancipate your colonies," means with those who employ it most emphatically, a great deal more than the mere words convey. It is used, by some at least, to express an opinion that a country like this would be better without colonies, and even that it would have been better for us if we had never had colonies. From this sentiment, notwithstanding my respect for some who entertain it, I venture to disagree altogether. What! are we to repent of having planted the thirteen English colonies of North America, which have expanded into one of the greatest, most prosperous, and

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happiest nations that the world ever saw? Are we to regret that the more northern deserts of the American continent, which constitute her Majesty's possessions in that quarter of the globe, are in the course of being reclaimed, cultivated, and filled with inhabitants of our race, whose industry finds an ample reward, and who, having wants like our own, require objects that are produced here, and thus furnish us with continually increasing markets in which to sell the produce of our domestic industry? Is it a pity that our numerous and profitable markets in the West Indies should ever have existed? Should we despond over our mighty empire in the East, which has brought to us-let those deny it who would deny the shining of the sun at noon-an incalculable tribute of wealth? Is our extraordinary trade with the infant colonies of Australasia an evil or a good? Sir, for my part, I can see no necessary evil, but do see vast and inevitable good, in the possession of colonies. And this is no new opinion of mine, formed by the occasion. Will the House, kindly taking into consideration the disadvantages under which I labour, in having been supposed to agree with those who cry "Emancipate your colonies," permit me to offer some proofs (and it shall be done very briefly) of the degree to which I have been misrepresented or misunderstood? So long as nearly five years agoa long period in a short life—I took an active part in the foundation of a colony1 in which I feel a deep interest on public grounds, and have proved it by incurring personal risk as a trustee responsible for the safety of considerable funds belonging to the 1 South Australia.

colony. During last year (long before the revolt in Canada had excited here a new interest in colonies) I had the honour to become one, along with my hon. friend (if he will allow me to call him so) the member for Thetford,' and my hon. friends the members for Lambeth and Caithness, of a Colonial Association whose opinion on the advantages which this country has derived from the possession of colonies was publicly expressed in the following terms, in which I did then, and do now, most cordially agree.

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"At the time when Elizabeth granted to the brother-in-law of Raleigh the first charter for British colonisation, the wants of the people, and even of the Sovereign of England, were confined to objects such as would now be considered fitting for only a half-civilised race. The Queen herself trod upon reeds, fastened her clothes with wooden skewers, and fed upon beef, salt fish, and beer. The richer classes could expend their income from land only in a rude hospitality, which consisted but of quantity without variety, and had no other effect than to support retainers in a rough plenty. Nothing could well be coarser than the food and clothing of the great body of the people. But along with the emigration of Englishmen to distant lands, new productions were discovered and sent home in exchange for products of domestic industry. It was then that we began to be a manufacturing and commercial nation. Who shall estimate the influence upon the industry, not only of England, but of Europe, of the cultivation of sugar, tobacco, and cotton, in America? These are but a few of ' Mr. F. Baring. 2 Mr. B. Hawes. 3 Sir G. Sinclair.

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