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INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS OF ENGLAND TO AMERICA

IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY.

Former policy of England toward her colonies - English monopoly of the American beaver Sealskins sent to-day to London to be dyed - The industrial development of the American colonists sedulously repressed by the English Government-Colonists were to be held as customers not suffered to become rival producers - Causes of the Revolution to be found in an industrial rebellion - Policy of England to-day unchanged-Free trade essential to the crowded population of a limited islandThis island policy not necessarily the best for a continental people-England's desire to manufacture for the world- England seeks to monopolize the carryingtrade of the world-Superior skill in arts and industries a better safeguard for a nation than tariffs - Causes of persistence of English influence in America spite of influx of alien immigration-American schools tend to produce homogenity of people and to suppression of dialects - Indications of a renewal of English emigration to the United States-English school geographies-Knowledge of the United States and emigration to "the States," sedulously repressed by England for a century-English and European estimates of the United States, previous to 1860 — European estimate in 1830, see Chapter V, Lounsbury's Life of Fenimore Cooper— Historical summary of England's course towards the United States for a century— Great Britain and her colonies at the Centennial-Preponderance shown of English-speaking and protestant races- Probable increase of English-speaking people-Mr. Gladstone on this prospect-Statistics showing past and estimated increase Letter from Mr. Gladstone to Mr. George W. Smalley of the New York Tribune-Comments by London Times- Oration on "Democracy" at Birmingham by James Russell Lowell.

As there was occasion in one of the preceding papers to refer to the existence of a decorous domestic architecture in the early years of this Republic, so, for similar reasons it now seems proper, in view of the emphasis given to the fact that such art opportunities and artistic training as are common in European countries have been almost wholly lacking in the United States, that equal prominence should likewise be given to the fact that, despite these evident disadvantages, there had been, long before the era of the Centennial Exposition, a very considerable development of artistic industries in this country; enough, certainly, to warrant belief in the art capacities of Americans, and to give confidence in the future evolution of art in America in all possible phases.

It also seems fitting, since the publication of these volumes has been so long delayed, that some attempt should be made to recount the evidences that, in the nine years that have elapsed since its close, the Centennial Exposition has effected some practical results by stimulat ing the creation of new, and the development of former art industries.

In neither of these fields can the present papers lay any claims to completeness, for, while an exhaustive research in both would be full of interest, it would not now be possible to give the results of such an investigation in the present work; all that can be attempted is in the way of general statements and suggestions. There are a sufficient number of well known facts to demonstrate the existence of many art industries in the United States during the first century of the nation's history, while evidences of the great stimulus given to the development of such industries by the Exposition held in Philadelphia in 1876 everywhere abound.

It should be remembered when making such comparisons, that the policy of England towards her colonies and dependencies during and long subsequent to the time she held the united American colonies, was to discourage and, so far as was possible, to prohibit any independent development of manufactures. The colonists were to be the legitimate and permanent customers of English manufacturers, dependent upon the mother country for all they needed, but were never to be suffered to become their rivals!

As an instance of this policy it may be stated, that, although America was the home of the beaver from whose fur men's hats were then made, the colonists were rigorously prevented from making their own hats; the skins must be sent to England, and the hats made there were to be bought, at high prices, by the Americans who had trapped the beavers! It is a somewhat curious fact, illustrative of the persistence of a given industry when once established, that, to-day, though the Aleutian Islands, the home of the fur seal, belong to the United States and the seal fishery is the monopoly of an American company, yet the requisite preparation and dyeing of the skins to render the furs marketable is still done in England!

For the first hundred and fifty years of their history as colonists, the settlers in America were thus held in leading strings; while any independent development of the natural resources of the country, or of the inventive genius of the people, was sedulously repressed. Bricks for building were imported from Holland and from England, though the

plastic clay, out of which so many cities have since been built, lay beneath their feet and vainly waited their labor. Tools and manufactures were imported. The native forests indeed furnished timber, and the sturdy settlers the labor needed to erect their houses of wood, but their architecture was English, and English furniture filled the houses.

Such spinning and weaving as could be done in the farm houses by wives and daughters, was, happily, beyond the reach of English governors, and homespun was the colonists' sole defence against English exactions; for the undertaking of any manufacture was in every way discouraged.

The outcry against the stamp act and the spilling of the tea in Boston Harbor, were but the outbursts of a flaming resentment, not longer to be repressed, against continued and petty tyrannies in the interest of the English manufacturer and shopkeeper. The political revolution that ensued had its roots deep in an industrial rebellion!*

In the endeavor to impose upon all peoples, especially upon the people of the United States, the supremely selfish doctrine of free trade, England still pursues the purposes of two centuries ago; only, as the United States has become a powerful nation, she now uses persuasion where then she thought no other arguments than those of brute force necessary; as witness the destruction and prevention of any independent industries in Ireland, which could by any possibility rival those of England.

That the descendants of the Americans of the Revolution should so little heed the causes which led to that momentous event; should profit so little by the experience of their ancestors as to tolerate in their universities and colleges the inculcation of English free trade theories; should, in other words, train their educated classes to a theory of politi cal economy which is in direct antagonism to the productive interests of their country-is passing strange.

*The following sentence taken from an abstract of the address delivered by the Marquis of Lansdowne, Governor-General of Canada, in Victoria, British Columbia, October 12, 1885, on the subject of British Colonial Federation, is quoted as sustaining, incidentally, the assertions here made in regard to the attitude of the mother country towards the colonies. Lord Lansdowne said that "the feelings of Great Britain towards her colonies had passed through three separate phases: First, that of grasping selfishness, which ended in the loss of the American colonies; next a period which was one of indifference; and the last is one of strong desire for a closer union-for federation."

S. Ex. 209-XIII

It is England's policy now, as ever, to manufacture and carry for the rest of the world. Certainly, as a policy for an island nation which must obtain the food necessary for its existence from other lands, it is comprehensible; but why a continental nation, containing within itself all resources essential for the existence and prosperity of its inhabitants, should adopt a policy invented for, and adapted to, diametrically opposite conditions, passes comprehension.

While there would be manifest impropriety in entering here upon a political disquisition as to whether the doctrines of free trade or those of protection are now most desirable for the United States, it seems entirely pertinent to enter a protest against the unquestioning acceptance and promulgation in American colleges of English theories of political economy, which may, or may not, be desirable for adoption by this country; since in any event the question is largely one of expediency vary. ing with circumstances, for certainly to be able to accurately predict the exact moment when an infant industry could go alone and no longer stood in need of any outside aid, would demand the infallibility of inspi ration. Nevertheless, essential as protection may be during the infancy of industries, superior skill in the arts and manufactures forms a bet ter security for a people than any device of tariffs on imports. The purpose of this work is the consideration of methods for promoting and making general such knowledge as will tend to impart and develop this skill on the part of the people of the United States. Other questions, which may arise in the progress of this consideration, are to be held as simply incidental and subordinate, though often, it is believed, coöperative to this purpose.

When Matthew Carey came from Ireland to Philadelphia, he retained so vivid a memory of the wrongs inflicted by England on the industries of Ireland, that he clearly comprehended, that if Americans were ever to be independent politically, they must be equally independent industrially. This truth has never since been quite forgotten in Philadelphia. When it is remembered that the beginning of the present century is practically the date of the beginning of the inventions and manufactures of the American people, some idea is conveyed of the surprising rapidity and extent of their industrial development.

In the preceding pages sufficient reference has been made to the English influence perceptible in the early architecture of the United States, and to the long continuing influence of England in all matters of taste and fashions in buildings, furniture and dress; while this pres

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