has done worse, for it has lost many truths which European tradition had communicated to it, and thrown aside many that have universal currency elsewhere. There are points in Spanish America at which however, although the truth has been denied theoretically, it has yet been accepted in fact, and Congressional decrees have ratified this acceptance. Was it to be expected that in republics which have had scarcely half a century of tumultuous existence, and which were formed from colonies of a nation which, like Spain, has no tradition of a regular government, (for Philip II. took it in its cradle, almost before the Arabs were expelled and the various crowns united into one,) was it to be expected that they should question the efficacy of his domestic institutions, whether liberal or despotic, the moment they separated themselves from all that had been known, experienced, and written by nations who had had governments? Vain expectation indeed! The fragments of judgment formed in the university in 1810, from the scanty political materials which could be extracted from the Latin text in Cornelius Napos, aided by the Social Contrast and other political poems, served as a basis for ephemeral constitutions destroyed the next day by bloody emendations no more correct than the original, because they were counselled by other experimentors of imaginary theories, until thus destroyed and emptied of public conscience, appeared Lycurguses like Dr. Francia, Mariuses like Rosas, emperors like Iturbide, tribunes like Santa Anna, Cattilla and others who scarcely know how to speak, but each one with his own receipt and treatment of violence, blood; and that chaos of struggle, confusion and barbarism, extending over two thousand leagues of country, does not yet succeed in disembroiling itself. If the universities were useful to social science, it will be agreed that they were impotent to resist the general inundation of new ideas; and this is a prime defect in the present organization of the world. The industry which develops riches, does not proceed from them, nor do they extirpate the general ignorance which is the vice that is developed in spite of them. The university lives for itself and by itself, that is its defect as an institution. It may be seen in France arriving at its apogee in the midst of a people which under the happiest conditions has not ceased to be ignorant and stationary; it may be seen in England, down to these last years, following its classical paths in the midst of a world of fabrics, commerce, marine and other institutions which have sprung, not from the Roman Senate and Forum, but from the fields of barbarism, and after the discipline of seven centuries, from individualism which points out the school for all and not the patrician university for the few. The perfection of the representative system which is in its origin a barbarous and not a later institution, came at last to acquire the government in the United States, in the free, universal school, the necessary preparation of the citizen, and from hence, as a new principle conquered for humanity, shines back upon Europe and irradiates Spanish America, lighting up that chaos, and importuning the discordant elements to constitute the new social organism. The schools must henceforth be the aim of all the public solicitude in Spanish America, as were the convents during the Spanish colonization, the military quarters during the war of independence, the universities during the age that mediated between monarchy and self-government. "The thought of popular education," as Avellanada, the Minister from Buenos Ayres, says of late, "is the preoccupation of the age, and feels itself moving within it, like the incubation of unknown destinies. The soul of every man requires its ray of sun, its portion of light and truth, and governments and nations turn anxiously to Europe and North America, recognizing the duty of giving it to themselves. Let us incorporate this movement." But there the university is powerful, dominating, and what is worse, it has moulded the craniums of the present generation which see the Will-o'-the-wisp moving, agitating itself, following the track of the traveller. For ten years in Chili, a law to appropriate fixed revenues to the education of two millions of men was thus kept at bay. The university spirit offered a purse of forty thousand dollars annually, in order that three hundred thousand children should be surfeited with education. That country has advanced very far, while the other nations, if we except Buenos Ayres, have not even thought upon this subject. Much has been written in those countries upon so grave a question realizing more of what Lecky points out, for not only have such writings produced no effect, but they have not even been read. This would be a new fact added to the study of the physiology of human thoughts, and here are matters upon which one can write for the press, and the ideas remain unknown. Of this class is all which treats of schools in Spanish America. It may easily be explained. The university men govern Spanish America, and they are imbued with university ideas. They do not need schools themselves, and the consciousness of their own knowledge of a higher order, makes it look to them as if it would be a derogation from their dignity to study into the lower orders, and to read things which are already familiar to themselves. However, neither France nor England know anything of schools. Facts demonstrate this. What do we know in both Spains? If we exaggerate the fact, let the politicians, journalists, ministers, senators, literati and men of learning give us the lie, if they have read anything upon the tiresome and vulgar subject of schools. THE NOTES. HE following came to us some months ago, not to be "published," but for our private benefit. As it has lost nothing by being so long kept back, the reader will not complain. Referring to the "Report" of the "Free Religious" meeting at Horticultural Hall of last year, the writer continues: I fully endorse the spirit of the meeting whose action is therein recorded. I do not know that I could any more clearly express my views of the spirit and purpose of religious organizations than is there contained in Mr. Johnson's description of the "characteristics of the Society" of the Progressive Friends in Pennsylvania, if I may add that I do believe in "divine authority," though I believe that such authority is not above nature's laws, but in harmony with them, and was not cribbed in the centuries that passed the earth thousands of years ago, but to-day speaks with a stronger voice and shines with a brighter light than ever before. But the superstitions of the intervening ages still so smirch the face of moral truth, that, to many, her aspect is unlovely, and her voice discordant. This divine authority, however, speaks through the "human," impresses the spirit dressed with the human what to do for the advancement of the human but the human has so long been surrounded with error, that truth cannot penetrate this medium without reaching the soul in an inverted state. We know that light passing through a convex lens, a denser medium than air, whose surface changes the direction of the rays, apparently inverts terrestrial objects. The facts are plain to the senses, even though the law may not be understood; hence we are not deceived. But the unthinking mass do not expect that spiritual laws operate upon the same principle as the physical laws, although they generally discern an analogy in nature's operations as a consequence, whatever spiritual impression they may have, they suppose is truthful, the normal result of the harmonious action of the mind. Truth is in harmony with itself, and, when discerned by humans, places them in harmony with each other. The fact, that dissatisfaction and discord prevails among them, is proof that error exists somewhere; but who shall say where? Who may be the exclusive judge in this matter? No one is willing to resign his own judgment. No one, then, should ask or expect others to do so. Every individual should think for himself or herself. Where all agree, the presumption is that they are right. Where a disagreement exists, each should be allowed to suppose himself right, so long as such a supposition does not influence him in some shape to injure the rights of his fellows. When his opinions lead him in any respect to mar another's right, his opinions are clearly wrong; and human society has the right to protect itself against their propagation, and the wrongs which grow out of them. The necessity of civil government arises from this source. If every individual knew the exact line of justice towards his fellows, and felt more disposed to heap the benefit upon the other side of the line than upon this, there would be no cause for inharmony, hence no excuse for civil government. It was to protect the helpless, and provide for the needy, that civil governments were formed. But, alas ! how have they been perverted from the end of their existence, to fatten the governing at the expense of the governed! The perversion of the principles of government from protection of the people to the advancement of the personal, selfish ambition of the governing classes, has deluged our earth with blood; and still the game goes on, because the people, even where they possess power to make a peaceful change by choosing men of unimpeachable moral integrity to administer their government as well as improve and purify its form, neglect to lend their voices and arms to God for such a purpose. And the erroneous religious opinions of the world do more to create the lethargy of indifference upon these matters than all other causes combined. It was the erroneous religious teaching that Jesus (whether God or man) is to save the world by atoning for our race, through his death, which developed that phase of Christianity in our country that allowed slavery to plant itself here, and grow till the church could press it to her bosom as divine, and the United States Government sustain it as Constitutional; while the life and teachings of Jesus was in all respects against it, and the spirit and language of our Constitution were "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty." Nothing more. No establishment or protection of slavery in intention or language; but it existed under state law, and by rotten politicians was called Constitutional, and so hammered into the people till they could not see it otherwise. Even when it had developed the giant Rebellion to destroy our government, it took two years for our president to find out how he could touch it without hurting the Constitution. This state of religious and political opinion was developed by the miseducation and moral cowardice of the people's instructors. The errors which educated the South for war, and drove them into it, are still dominant, still keep corrupt men in the control of our government, and are driving men to diligently form plans to keep corruption there, with every prospect of success, because the people have no leaders with sufficient moral strength to lift a standard for an organization to clean out corruption, and remove the causes of it. The two prime causes are, the want of woman in the government, beside her husband; and the power of the president, either directly or indirectly to appoint all the officers of the Federal Government except Congress. When these officers are made elective by the people, one great cause of corruption will be removed; and, when the moral strength of woman obtains a right there, laws for human protection and progress will be made and executed; then peace will grow per manent. Monticello, Iowa. W. C. OR its quiet, suggestive picture of what is occurring in the experience of very many young persons of the present day, the following has been given us to print, by the one to whom it was written : When I remember how far I have grown apart from most of my friends, since I parted from them, I can't be thankful enough to believe that we have in some measure grown together. To try to live out a creed which one does not believe, is the saddest thing of all, as I have had too much reason to know. The re-action must come to every thinking soul sooner or later; and, painful as it is, I suppose we are all thankful to suffer it, rather than lose it. For me, the reaction well-nigh proved a wreck of all faith: but I believe the worst is passed. I have grown happier, partly, no doubt, through less thought; partly through better thought, I hope. The questions are unsettled still in my mind: but I have found a place large enough to stand upon, which is enough; i. e., if one does n't stop there. I can't preach a sermon : it would be all interrogation marks. You ask me about Christ, and you could not have asked a harder question. To tell you the truth, I don't know what I do believe. I have thought sometimes that I believe nothing. But a different feeling has lately been in my heart. I can recognize in him the perfect love, the perfect life; but I cannot bring myself to think of him as our propitiator. A "vicarious sacrifice" has no meaning to me. We are rightly proud of our country; and for the reason you mention, more than anything else. A new day is coming. Another emancipation than that of the body is awaiting us, even for those who do not know they are in bondage, and who hug their chains, not daring to think for themselves through fear of eternal damnation. As Carlyle says, though perhaps these are not just the words, "The true cause of our unrest and anarchy may lie in that we have cast off fear, which is lowest, and have not yet attained to reverence, which is the highest." This for us; but there are those who have not yet cast off the fear, but the number is dwindling year by year. What chance have girls reared in ministers' families, as you and I were, and educated at such a seminary, to know what we do believe, till suddenly we find that what we have said devoutly every day since we were born, perhaps, is not what we mean, and is what we never can mean again. THE HE following is from the Paris correspondent of the FREE INQUIRY, AND ITS OPPONENTS. Public attention has been drawn to a debate in the Senate which may prove interesting as an exhibition of the sentiments that animate that chamber. The debate has been adjourned for some weeks. will arise on petitions, said to be numerously signed, praying for It |