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Thomas Lipton has entered in competition signal triumph for American dash and with the American vessel. From all ac- strategy as well as disciplined valor, and counts the Shamrock is in design, rigging, it deservedly won honor and fame for and racing qualities far ahead of any Dewey and his cool-headed and plucky English boat that has hitherto sought to command. The hero of it now returns, wrest victory, with possession of the in- like Themistocles after the battle in the ternational trophy, from American yachts- Bay of Salamis, to receive the meed of a men. In her trial-spin off Sandy Hook grateful nation's honor, and modestly to
she has shown herself a surprise to our seek retirement by his native hearth. best judges of seagoing racing craft and It is characteristic of Admiral Dewey won hearty admiration for her splendid that he returns to his native shores not to sailing qualities. What she may be able enter politics or to put himself in the into do when pitted against her great triguing hands of party manipulators. His American competitor will shortly now be patriotism is of the national rather than of known: till then we must seek to repress the factional stripe; but of politics he the hungering desire - deep, no doubt, in happily wants nothing, and in this matter the breast of all — to witness the race, it is hoped that his wishes will be rewhere the Fates have decreed that to be spected, since he desires that his services impossible, and echo the wish of all true for his country shall close with the sportsmen, on whatever side may be their splendid work he has done, and done so interests or sympathies, that the best boat honorably, in his own special sphere. We may win!
speak of this chiefly in the Admiral's own ☆
behalf, and to emphasize what he has Admiral Dewey's It is not necessary to be himself so wisely, doughtily, and unqual
a jingo, still less an ex- ifiedly expressed, - to be no man's man; pansionist, to welcome the return of Ad- but to be suffered, with dignity and selfmiral Dewey and pay him the humble respect, to retire on his own well-earned tribute of our homage. Nor, happily, laurels and enjoy, at his own simple fireneed we be a party man to greet the hero side, the repose his advancing years and of Manila Bay on his triumphant return to great services to his country have so well his native shores. Than George Dewey earned for him. Let New York, as it there are few men who have served their
surely will, magnificently welcome him, country, as soldiers or sailors, who are and the nation, in its gratitude, give him better worthy the demonstration which glad greeting; but let us beware of imNew York and the nation at large are posing any burdens or honors on him about to make in his honor. When the which he neither seeks nor desires, and war with Spain broke out, Fortune favored refrain from unkind enthusiasms that him in finding him near by, in Chinese would only bring him trouble and, maybe, waters, when the order came to him to place him in a false position. seek out and attack the Spanish fleet at
☆ the Philippines. The Fates further fa- Prayer, and the Our “civilizing mission," vored him in his daring entry into Manila
Presidential which gets along lamely
Philippines Bay, where he sighted and with cool
in the Philippines, Presi
Policy judgment and consummate tactics in
dent McKinley has lately stantly reduced to impotence the enemy's been assuring the nation, is now to be warships. With sailor-like dispatch and actively propagated. Addressing the men thoroughness did Dewey execute his im- of the Tenth Pennsylvania Regiment at portant mission, and give his country and Pittsburg on their return from Manila the the world the first impressive lesson either other day, the President took occasion to had had of western maritime prowess. commend the brave fellows who remained The feat was more worthy of honor in its at the front and those who were now utter freedom from boastfulness, when setting out to take the place of those who its commander had to make report to had returned from the islands. Referring Washington of the action, as well as in to the latter, “Our prayers,” he said, “go the welcome assurance with which the with them, and more men and munitions if brief dispatch closed — «the squadron is required. The collocation of prayers and uninjured, and only a few men are slightly gunpowder seemed to us at first a little wounded ! » The achievement, there is peculiar, if not a bit profane. We can imlittle need to remind anyone to-day, was a agine an enemy (we mean him at Luzon)
making an impatient contemptuous refer- work so admirably done by him which ence to it, with an allusion to something was given him to accomplish. Secondly,
. like cant, in connection with the official we venture to inquire, is the statement, in commander-in-chief of a great humani- its expansionist sense, a fact, or merely a tarian nation, who had come up to the McKinleyite way of making palatable to White House from peaceful and religious this country and accustoming its people Canton. Perhaps more in evidence, how- to the idea that we have laid our hands on ever, would be the smile-wreathed face of the Filipinos' country as an inalienable, the enemy at home (Edward Atkinson, or “secure,” and “permanent ” United States Godkin, of the New York Evening Post," possession ? for instance, or other of the anti-expan- The truth is, there is much in public sionist “traitors”), who must have chuckled talk and in the public prints to-day with over the infelicitous phrase as a strange one reference to these luckless old-time posin the mouth of him who is responsible for sessions of Spain that is wanting in truth the benevolent assimilation ”idea as the and honesty as well as in good taste and policy of the United States in the tropics, ethical propriety. Not a little of it is on and for forcing liberation at the cannon's a par with Senator Frye's recent outburst mouth upon people whom the accident of of sanctimonious jingoism, in which, speakwar and the lust of national expansion had ing of our occupation and prospective reput for the time being at our mercy. Nor tention of the Philippines, he exclaims, would those enemies (let us call them “God opened the door, pushed us in, and « traitors,” since our new-fledged imperi- closed it. No man on earth or angel in alists like the word), be without reason heaven can now take us out!» This, if it did they wonder at the notion that the is not blasphemy, is the veriest drivel of new legions representing the might and imperialism. Much more becoming would power of this great nation, consecrated to it be if the militant Senator, who seems the work of humanity in the New World, so familiar with God's doings, would call are to be let loose in a new campaign of upon Heaven to purge the acquisitive havoc — sent forward with “prayers” and hearts of this nation and sanctify its mothe most frightful munitions of war — on a tives of conquest. Well, also, would it be people whose crime-as it was ours a cen- if he would penitentially pray for the tury and a quarter ago— is to desire self- ministry of Heaven on behalf of the four government and freedom from a foreign thousand poor fever-stricken and malariayoke. How little, they might naturally poisoned inmates in our military hospitals ask themselves, were these renewed war at Manila, whose sad, uncomplaining lot preparations, plus the “prayers ” — likely is that of brave, patriotic, and dutiful to win over a sturdy and brave people men, unfortunately sent on an unhallowed fighting for their independence, and who and un-Republican mission of aggression. from the first had grave doubts of our peace overtures and other seductive pro- A Leviathan of In the facilities for ocean fessions, which they have had good reason
travel it would be comto know are wholly at variance with the monplace to say that the century has seen aims and purposes of liberators.
enormous strides since the era of the « You,” continued President McKinley, Collins packets. Even since the days of still addressing the returned Tenth Regi- the last of the paddlewheel steamers the ment, “have enlarged the map of the revolution that has taken place in the United States and extended the jurisdic- transatlantic passenger service has been tion of American liberty.” Is the latter
Only a generation ago it affirmation, we presume to ask, cynicism used to be thought a marvel to cross from or jingo bombast in the guise of a half- Liverpool to New York in eight days. truth? << You made secure and perma- Now it can be done in less than five days nent,” adds Mr. McKinley, “the victory of and eight hours. What feat in the way of Dewey.” Again we take exception to this reducing even this record will be accomPresidential utterance, and ask, first, if plished by the “Oceanic,” the magnificent Dewey's victory needed to be made more new steamer of the White Star Line, at secure and permanent than it was that present on her way across the Atlantic, is, using the words "secure ” and “perma- we shall soon probably know. Her enornent as applied, not in an expansionist mous proportions, together with her sense, but with reference to the precise powerful engines and the splendor of her
equipments, make her the colossus of the ocean and a phenomenon in modern shipbuilding construction. Larger than the “Great Eastern,” she is, unlike that luckless vessel, built on a model that embodies the practical experience and consummate skill of the highest engineering art of to-day. The “Oceanic” is 704 feet in length, and has a displacement of 12,500 tons: laden, it is said that her weight will be close upon 28,000 tons. In spite of this enormous tonnage she is expected easily to steam twenty-three and a half knots an hour. This is equal to the steaming power of the “Lucania,” of the Cunard Line, which now holds the record for speed, and two and a half knots per hour faster than the huge “Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse,” of the North German Lloyd Line.
The drawback, if there is one, to travel on one of these steam-monsters of the deep is that of living for a week at
enormoussumptuous, fashionably crowded, and necessarily high-priced hotel. Life on board, so far from being a delightful relaxation and ministering to the gospel of contentment, is thus made a distraction, plus everything that detracts from simplicity and makes for fuss and formalism. The best tonic that labor once had, in a breezy, wholesome, carefree, and leisurely voyage across the Atlantic, is now being taken from one and thrown to the poor millionaires.
tration, in many notable instances, may be said to be a vast abuse, calling for the closest scrutiny and not infrequently for the severest indictment. In the management of commercial enterprises it is thought reasonable to expect ordinary integrity; in the management of our city corporations and town municipalities it seems proper to expect no such thing. Whatever our expectations, however, the state of things apparent to even the superficial observer is this: that our municipal boards are too often but gambling-tables, from which the least honorable councillor may sweep the stakes, while perhaps the most unscrupulous of his confrères may himself be the civic head. To this grave condition of affairs on this continent are we come, and by well-understood processes and from easily traceable causes. The correlative of temptation and immunity from restraint and watchfulness is not civic purity and moral health, but vice and weakness; and where there are special temptations there will be insidious vices and moral turpitude.
That to the entanglement of municipal interests with political parties is traceable most of the evils of civic government, no one can honestly disguise from himself. To declaim at party government at this late day may seem a rather visionary act. The still unextinguished common sense of the country will, however, be likely to share our visionary view of the matter if we can get it to see that if its corruption and abuses must ever bring in its train fiscal disaster and the reign of Beelzebub, our cities had better shake off all alliance with it. The ruin which a liaison with faction entails, and the mendacity of its operations, must be pretty well recognized now by all reflecting and observant minds. In the days of the Tweed ring in New York, what but this brought the chief commercial city of the nation to be governed through hideous instruments and by atrocious means ? What but this brought to life the municipal thugs that were then strangling the life and plundering the coffers of the city? What but this bedevilled a large portion of the city's press, besmirched the bench, made rogues of many public men, and debauched masses of the people ? Protean in its varied forms of corruption and debasement, where did not faction then reach, and what pestiferous influence did it not exert in the community? To party demoraliza
Faction and The aggressive tendency of
Municipal town and city municipaliGorernment
ties on the subject of taxation at last bids fair to rouse commercial apathy to resistance. When the evil has been left alone a little longer, and the taxpayer's pocket has been rified a little further, our communities may waken up to find that citizenship and the franchise are trusts as well as rights, – trusts that should exact fidelity to honor, and rights that should be conserved and keenly looked after.
It is one of the curious riddles of the present time how our men of property and intelligence can wrap themselves in apathy and indifference when interests so vital to personal and civic weal are being made in many quarters the sport of corruption and demagogism. Nor is the evil which so loudly calls for the citizen's vigilance confined to one city, or even to a dozen. Throughout the country civic adminis
tion of the public conscience; to party evils of introducing the political machine tamperings with civic virtue and official into our municipal administration honesty; to party assassination of reputa- have surely sufficiently seen, and have, in tion and character; to party intrigues with the enormous debts of some of our cities, and defilement of public men; to party liai- not to speak of other indications of harm sons with and debasement of the press; to and loss to the community, abundant party postern-gate influence with the ju- evidence of. Realizing this, and making diciary,- to the foul, sinister, and malign such efforts as are possible to dislodge it influence of party here and there over the from rule in and association with our country are we indebted for civic, com- cities' affairs, it remains but to incite the mercial, social, and we had almost said citizen everywhere to increased interest national, degeneracy.
in municipal concerns. It is a difficult The remedy for all this is what ? Con- task, no doubt, to evoke patriotism and tinued supineness on the part of yet un
call forth self-immolation upon our civic tainted wealth and prolonged indifference altars, though on the national hearthstone to the attitude of honest commerce? Not there are, in these war times, no lack of so, indeed! On the contrary, it is surely
victims. But with radical reform in the time for the reputable at least among our selection of men for our city executives, public men to awake to consciousness of as well as in the machinery by which the danger about them and to listen to the offices of trust are obtained, the interest duty-calls of citizenship. The menace to of the influential classes of the community the weal of the community is ever active should be secured. Meeting together on on the part of certain types of politicians, the common ground of fealty to honor, against whom some of the wholesomer ele- pride of citizenship, and desire to see our ment in the chief cities of the Union are civic affairs honestly, capably, and disinnow fighting. Yet it takes much, seem- terestedly administered, municipal honors ingly, to rouse the citizen to watchfulness would be again worth striving for and against civic turpitude in such acts, for in- service in city interests would regain their stance, as the threatened Ramapo steal in once honorable distinction. New York, and like moralities on the part
☆ of our Crokers and Platts. In the presence
The influence to-day of the of evils of this sort the highest interests
author of "Faust” and “Wilare threatened, the fair future of city life helm Meister is not, we fear, what it was is in jeopardy, and the public weal is in on English and American thought in the grave danger. Formerly offices of pub- early half of the present century. This is lic honor and trust were adorned by men not to the discredit of Goethe far from of what is now called old-fashioned Puri- it: it is due rather to the intrusion of other tanism, who upheld virtue and scorned a influences and the broadening out of the wrong. Now who, in the main, have we literary mind and thought of the time. in their places ?- men who still prefer Nor do Goethe's writings seem to affect honor to office and sense of duty faith- the age now as they did in Carlyle's and fully performed to the applause of rowdy Emerson's time, or at the period when claqueurs and hungry placemen? Alas! George Henry Lewes gave to the world
In their now dishonored seats sit too his masterly story of the poet-dramatist's often the successful demagogue of the
life and work. This is no doubt because hour, the reprobate hack of faction, and their novelty has in some measure passed, that perpetual enemy of the common but more, perhaps, because the age has weal — the trading politician
- a hateful, broken away from his idealism and bedisreputable, and dangerous group.
come practical and even materialistic and To the thoughtful citizen the question sordid. The loss is ours, and the age's, in constantly arises, How can such be sup- so far as it is not in sympathy with Goethe's planted by honesty, integrity, conscien- high inspirations and with his noble lessons tiousness, and ready accountability to of reverence and love. How his native those who place them in positions of re
land cherishes him and reveres his memsponsibility and trust? The answer is, ory we have just seen in the recent celethe utter divorcement of party politics bration at Frankfort of the 150th anniverfrom our civic affairs and the careful ex- sary of Goethe's birth. In our next issue ercise of the trusts of the franchise on the we hope to give readers of SELF CULTURE part of our responsible classes. The some account of that interesting event.
HE question of women's rights has re
solved itself in this country so completely that the mere suggestion of
misdoubt in such relation only incurs ridicule and amusement. Woman's supremacy is as absolute as man's subjection is abject. Petticoats have indeed triumphed over and usurped the functions of the (trews.) Whether such usurpations are public gains, or whether they really constitute a substantial advantage to the female sex in the ultimate, is a very grave and vital question, involving vast and complicated social and industrial interests. It may therefore be as well to premise that we are less concerned about woman's rights than we are about her interests ; while we are still more concerned about the general interests of the community. Indeed, both these interests are not only in question, but in actual jeopardy.
It is of the first importance that, in order to preserve and promote the interests of womanhood and of the race, right views should prevail regarding the actual nature and tendencies of women's rights and interests, which are only to be safeguarded and advanced in accordance with the dictates and promptings of reason, and of rightful apprehensions of their real tenor and purport. It is not enough to insist upon the fact of woman's supremacy, and to contend that the practical attainment of her rights is in itself warrant enough of her capacity and competency to advance and to ensure her own special and peculiar interests. For the positive assurance of this depends alone on woman's mental and moral fitness, and upon the adequacy of her conceptions of her rightful relations to the commonwealth, as well as of her own natural functions and responsibilities.
If the new woman is but a usurper of man's functions, or but an interloper upon man's traditional domain as bread-earner and head of the family, her career is clearly predestined. This old world of ours cannot long continue to jog along under such unnatural conditions or amid such irregular motions. The crash is inevitable. The new woman » may make a great bustle and appearance for a while in her new career as industrial and commercial competitor and innovator; she may readily enough brush aside her loutish and dejected male rival, who may happen to stand in the way, as she deems, of her immediate interests; she may, for that matter, practically supersede man in nearly all the industrial, commercial, and professional avenues
and vocations of life and wage-earning existence and experience; but she cannot long continue in such a course,– her sands must soon run out. It is not given to such as these to reproduce themselves; nor can the race be perpetuated from such sources.
It is therefore manifest that neither woman's interests nor those of the race can be possibly identified as coexistent with modern social and industrial relations and conditions, on the lines of recent innovations and usurpations on the part of new » womanhood. Women's interests, therefore, are not to be confounded with women's rights. There is a wide gulf between them,- at least in so far as they are too generally implied and conjectured as being «in common. But, rightly defined and intelligently apprehended, women's rights and interests are identical. All human interests are coexistent and coeternal with human rights. No man, no woman, no people, can be withheld from their proper rights whose interests do not suffer.
It is always a question as to wherein the rights actually consist, and as to the real nature and purpose of the interests. In order satisfactorily to estimate and decide upon such questions it is of primary importance to consider the entire social and human aspects and bearings thereof in relation to the greatest good of the greatest number. The emancipated slave attains his human rights; but it by no means follows that the moment he is proclaimed a free man and is in full possession of his rights he may be depended on to pursue and promote his own best interests. The greatest kindness that can be shown such a one is to instruct and direct him aright, and to admonish him of the prescribed limits within which his new freedom is to be restricted, in the common interest; and beyond which he must not and cannot be allowed.
So, likewise, with this entangling and bothersome question of women's rights and interests. No right-minded man but will rejoice in woman's attainment of her just rights; but every true man, who cherishes the slightest regard for the rare virtues and qualities of sweet womanhood, must resent and abhor the too manifest tendency of modern social and industrial innovations to unsex and abase our young
It is not so much the direct tendency as the subvertive influences which this new condition of things has set in operation and indirectly exercised. The father of a family, who, under the promptings of immediate self