well as the men of Attila and the Avars, drew their descent from some Huns of a very high latitude. This would assume the Turkish connexion to be only an accidental intermixture, bringing an improvement of the common stock, and imposing a name upon the hordes. The strong resemblance between the language of the Magyars and that of the Finns (always dwellers in the Scythian latitudes) seems to confirm this view of the matter. Be these things as they may,-non nostrum est tantas componere lites,—there were in Hungary, in the time of the first king, Stephen (the fourth chief from Arpad), three aristocratic orders of Magyars, viz.: churchmen and magnates, the king's retainers, and the untitled nobility; while the rest of the people were serfs. Stephen was the first Christian king, and received from Pope Sylvester a consecrated crown. This ancient circlet, long preserved, like the iron crown of Charlemagne at Milan, was looked upon as a sort of heir-loom of nationality. In 1848, it was carried about along with the revolutionary Diet; and it has been since stated that Kossuth, like Hamlet's uncle, "Stole from the shelf the precious diadem, It is now hidden somewhere, to await the resurrection of Hungary; not, of course, to encircle the head of any one, but to be put into a museum, and shown as an old curiosity. In 1223 (about the time when the English barons had forced King John to confirm into Magna Charta an old parchment extorted from Henry I.), the above-mentioned privileged orders of Hungary obliged Andreas the Second to give them a Golden Bull,-ille nobilis Taurus,-by which the magnates were made hereditary legislators, and the mass of the clergy, untitled nobility, and so forth, empowered to send representatives to the Diet. A century and a half afterwards, these last were increased by a burgher class, delegates from towns and cities. Thus it may be seen that the Hungarian constitution bore a close resemblance to that of England. In 1301, the line of Arpad became extinct, and the Diet gave the elective crown to Charles Martel, of Anjou. This elective crown was the cause of almost all the evils that Hungary underwent for ages. It was the chronic source of tumult, civil war, and foreign invasion. The attempt to introduce the patriarchal and nomad principle of equality, among the privileged orders, into Poland and Hungary, was a sanguinary mistake, and has covered with catastrophes the whole course of their annals. The simpler principle of hereditary monarchy was safer and better suited to the character of the middle ages. From the beginning, the elective succession of the crown distracted Hungary, and towards the period when it was to cease, produced a confusion which invited into the nation one more incursion of Eastern invaders. About 1440, John Hunnyades bravely wielded the defence of Hungary, when the Sultan Amurath threatened to overrun all Christendom. But in 1444, the united armies of Hungary and Poland were overthrown in the bloody battle of Warna. In 1456, Hunnyades fell upon Mahomet the First, who was besieging Belgrade, and routed the Osmanlis with great slaughter. His son, Matthew Corvinus, was | elected to the throne; and on the death of this king, the kingdom fell into confusion respecting the succession, the evils of which were made irretrievable by the terrible defeat of Mohacz, inflicted by the sword of the Sultan Solyman. A dreary civil war was terminated in 1547, by the election to the throne of Ferdinand of Austria, brother of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, and first of the present Austrian dynasty. Thus fatally did this elective principle of the monarchy herald the way to foreign bands and despotic government. About 1670, the Emperor Leopold tried to subvert the national institutions of Hungary, and make it a province of Austria. Being vigorously resisted, he put several of the magnates to death. An insurrection of the Magyars followed, during which they bethought them of asking aid from their old relations and adversaries, the Turks. Mahomet VI., having stipulated that Hungary should pay him tribute, sent into that kingdom 250,000 Spahis, under Kara Mustapha, who advanced on the right bank of the Danube, while the Hungarians, under Count Tekeli, moved up on the other. A junction of their forces was prevented, and the Turks alone besieged Vienna. John Sobieski, king of Poland, whose aid had been implored by Leopold, attacked the besiegers, and drove them in confusion down the Danube. But he refused to fight against the Hungarians, and went home, leaving them to treat with the Emperor. In 1687, the latter, by the most brutal violence and corrupt practices, made the crown of Hungary hereditary in his house. In the beginning of the next century, the malecontent Magyars were in insurrection under Prince Racoezy,-the great heroic rebel of Hungary's past history. They insisted on their liberty to choose and cashier their kings, and claimed other civil and religious principles. In 1708, the Emperor Joseph the First made many fair promises, ordering the insurgents to lay down their arms. The patriots refused, and a struggle followed, in which they were worsted. At last a pacification was accomplished; and, in 1711, the Protestants were granted liberty of worship. and the national liberties were guaranteed. The Hungarian Diet accepted the Emperor's Pragmatic Sanction of 1713, by which female succession was established in the House of Austria. In the war of the imperial succession, when, "The Queen, the beauty, set the world in arms," Hungary fought with a memorable enthusiasm for her King, Maria Theresa, and helped to put her husband, Francis of Lorraine, on the imperial throne, in 1746. In return for all this, Joseph the Second tried to extinguish Hungary-incorporate it with Austria. But he was vehemently opposed; and, in 1790, when the French revolution was shaking Europe to its foundations; when, as Beranger says, the kings were putting up their hands to keep their crown on their heads— "Déjà vingt rois, au bruit de nos ébats, Portent, tremblans, la main à leur couronne." Joseph was forced by the Diet of Presburg into a full recognition of the nationality of Hungarysuch as it was under Matthew Corvinus-such as the Magyars of 1848 sprang up in arms to defend! Such is a rapid outline of that picturesque na tionality which for ever shadowed the mind's eye of young Lajos Kossuth, and gave his patriotism that dash of poetic fervour so remarkable in all he has said and done. He saw that every tradition of his land was military, and its history full of swordmarks-mostly disastrous. But these only deepened, by the feelings of pity or indignation the attachment of the young Magyar to his fatherland, and emboldened him, in the end, to appeal to the ultima ratio-the last argument-of peoples as well as kings. Kossuth was naturally endowed, as we may readily believe, with a highly poetic disposition, active, ardent, and impressible. While at college, he pursued the study of the law, and in 1827 was called to the bar. He had been already employed in the Diet as reporter of its proceedings, in which capacity his education and legal knowledge made him very serviceable, and he was appreciated accordingly, both by the members and an increasing circle of the public. In the Diet, all his leanings were, of course, to the Bathyanis, Wesselenyis, Szechenzys, who were in favour of reform, and opposed to the Austrian influence. Young Kossuth was in his element, particularly as the feeling of nationality was strong in the Diet, and he reported and printed the debates with great industry. But Austria saw this movement of the Diet with strong dislike, and Metternich ordered that no more reports should be printed. Kossuth, who was studying the law, soon found out that lithography was not printing; and therefore went on with his reports, giving them in lithograph instead of type. The Austrian ministry, seeing the rebellious spirit of the Diet, which, of course, approved of the young lawyer's doings, ordered, in 1835, the Archduke Palatine-President of the Upper Chamber, or Table, to dissolve the Diet; and also ordered Count Zichy to seize the terrible little lithographic press. Still Kossuth was mischievously busy. He wrote pamphlets which were privately circulated, and reported the business of the Komitats, or county parliaments-then struggling against the influence of Count Palfy, the Imperialist. In 1837, Kossuth, Wesselenyi, and several other patriots, were arrested and tried. On his triai, Kossuth defended himself with great skill and boldness, and created a powerful sensation throughout the country. But they condemned him, and he was sentenced to ten years' imprisonment. In 1840, however, in consequence of an amnesty, and also at the earnest request of the Diet, he was liberated,-after having spent nearly three years in jail. He immediately proceeded to establish and edit the " Pesti Hirlap" newspaper, which produced in Hungary something like the impression made formerly in France by the "Qu'est ce que le Tiers Etat" of the Abbe Sieyes. Kossuth seemed to rejoice in the success of his leaders, for he is reported to have said his paper was worth 50,000 bayonets. The constitution of Hungary, as we have said, was always aristocratic. Before 1848, about half a million of Magyars had the entire government of Hungary in their hands-the rest of the people, Sclaves, Szeklers, &c., had no voice in the state, and were, in fact, in the condition of serfs. The Upper House of the Hungarian Diet was composed of hereditary magnates and prelates, numbering about six hundred and fifty persons. The President of that House was the Palatine of Hungary-a sort of mediator between the nation and the Emperor. In the Lower House (about two hundred and fifty in number) noble birth also prevailed. It was composed of inferior nobility (elected by the Komitats or counties), deputies from enfranchised towns, and ablegates, or proxies of noblemen who did not attend the Upper House. The Komitats were composed of all the privileged men of the country, met together, three or four times a year, for the transaction of local business, the choice of members for the Diet, or the sending them instructions, and the reception of the orders of government, which were never executed till the Komitats had sanetioned them. The Komitat meetings were, in fact, little fortresses of nationality, little federations like our states; and Austria found in them always the greatest obstacles against her despotic and centralizing designs. But, in latter years, the Emperor had appointed administrators to preside over these county parliaments, and control them and corrupt them in every possible way. The consequences of this were the most vehement discussions between the adherents of the Imperial government and the patriot members, causing incessant ferments. In the mean time, reform in the laws of Hungary had been for many years agitated in the Diet, and in the minds of the people. The great measure of emancipating the serfs was entertained in 1825. These serfs had no other privilege than that of paying taxes. The peasants were bound to the soil-adscripti gleba,-" Somewhat," says Mr. Gleig, who travelled in Hungary some years ago, "in the condition of Gurth and Wamba in the romance of Ivanhoe." They were bound to work for their landlords one hundred and four days in the year, and pay him one-ninth of their agricultural produce, together with many other little gifts or payments, which further impoverished their condition. Mechanics and artisans were in a similar state of degradation. Till 1835, the eidelman or Magyar landlord could inflict corporal punishment upon his serfs: at that time the privilege was abrogated. The privileged classes were not indisposed to do justice to the peasantry. But the influences of Austria, who dreaded the idea of seeing Hungary a nation of freemen, were so brought to bear upon the chief magnates and the Diet, that the progress of emancipation was retarded for years. And when the two Tables had come to an agreement on the matter, in 1836, the Austrian ministry had still power enough to set aside the measure of emancipation. Matters thus drew their slow length along, the Magyars growing more distrustful of Austria, and more inclined to liberate the mass of the people, as a matter of good state policy. In 1847, Kossuth was returned to the Lower House, for the Komitat of Pesth; and he immediately began to exercise a potent influence in the Diet. He roused a jealous spirit of nationality, and showed the Magyars that they, not numbering half a million of privileged men, were powerless against the strength of the House of Austria, without the aid of the people. The dread of the House of Hapsburg and political annihilation urged the Diet to be just; and, in order to present a powerful front to the enemy, the serfs of Hungary were raised into citizens. In the beginning of 1848, the great measure of Emancipation was passed in the Lower House, and, after some discussion, in the Upper also. Just then the roar of liberated Milan and all | Pesth. And, on the 2d of July, the National Lombardy in rebellion had rung from one end of Assembly of Hungary, founded on the enlarged Europe to the other, and been answered by a suffrage, was inaugurated without him. Though still louder echo from the people of Paris. The in the royal speech (pronounced by the Palatine, Hungarian emancipation could scarcely have Archduke John) he denounced the doings of the been delayed much longer. The result was, Serbs and Croats, the Hungarian ministry (of that the people not only received the franchise which Count Bathyani was Premier and Lajos of citizenship, but little estates in fee simple,-a Kossuth Minister of Finance) perceived that double blessing. For these free proprietaries the they must rely upon their own energy; and, landlords were to receive an equivalent from accordingly, Kossuth proposed in the Diet the government; and the peasantry themselves were raising of 200,000 men, and the issue of bank expected to make some compensation for the paper sufficient to keep them on a war footing. generosity which made landlords of them, raising The men and money were granted instantly and them in one day to the height of Magyar dignity. with acclamation, in answer to the impassioned The same Bill of Reform provided for an inde- appeal. New Hungarian regiments began to be pendent and responsible Hungarian ministry, and formed, and many old regiments came over to the complete recognition of the kingdom's rights. the cause of Hungary from the Imperial banners. In March, the city of Vienna rose in insurrection, This great levy was certainly commenced in the and, a little after, the Emperor Ferdinand ran name of the Emperor-king, though it was well away to Innspruck, in the Tyrol. Kossuth and understood it was designed, in any case, to serve the Hungarian delegates went to him, and invited and defend the interests of Hungary. Ferdinand him to Presburg to sign and sanction the new refused to sign this law of enlistment and bankconstitution of Hungary. Ferdinand promised issue. The hour for which he was waiting was to comply, if quiet were only restored to Vienna. now heard to strike. The patriots of Lombardy Kossuth says that quiet was, accordingly, restored, were beaten by the Austrian army at Costanza, and through his own influence; that, in fact, he and the Emperor felt safe on the side of Italy. kept the crown on the Emperor's head. On the He then took his resolution. On the 31st of 11th of April, the Emperor came to Presburg, August. he sent to inform the Hungarians that he and signed the new constitution, which was had made a mistake in signing that new consticountersigned by Count Bathyani,-whom the tution of theirs, that the measure was clean said Ferdinand's officers afterwards murdered. against the Pragmatic Sanction! Then, on the This act of liberation diffused great joy through- 4th of September, he repealed the "sham" edict out Hungary; and the various tribes-the Croats, he had issued against the Ban Jellachich (who Serbs, Wallachians-seemed no less rejoiced was just then at the head of an army on the than the Magyars on the occasion, seeing that Hungarian frontiers), and reinstated that respectthey were sharers in the general benefit of the able Croat in his former offices. The Hungarian change. The Croats, numbering, in their division ministry now dissolved itself. Jellachich passed of the kingdom, half a million of people, ex- the frontiers into Hungary, at the head of an pressed their entire satisfaction with it, through army of Sclaves and Austrians. Out of the their chief Komitat of Agram. Though Croatia fragments of the ministry, and in its stead, Koshad its own independent Assembly, it had always suth formed a "Club of Equality," to watch over three deputies in the Hungarian Diet, and these, the interests of Hungary. The Diet then gave by the reform, were increased to eighteen. It the command of the Hungarian forces to the has been very much insisted on by those who Archduke Palatine, desiring him to oppose Jellajoin the Austrians against Hungary, that the latter chich. But the Archduke left his place and treated her Croat province with injustice. But went to Vienna, whence he sent his resignation the charge, if not entirely false, is very feeble; to the Diet. There was now no ministry in and the fierce rebellion of the Croats which soon Hungary; and, on the 20th of September, a after broke out, aggravated by that of the Serbs royal ordinance placed the Hungarian army and Wallachians, is now truly traced to its right under the orders of Count Lamberg. The Diet source, the treachery of the Emperor of Austria. denounced the illegality, and appealed to the Scarcely had he signed the Hungarian consti- nation for support. In the first excitement, the tution, than he and his ministers began to medi- Count was murdered. The people then. began tate the means of nullifying the act. Imperial to rise everywhere, as they did in Spain in 1808, agents proceeded to the Serbs, Croats, and Wal- and regiments were formed with wonderful lachians, and began to stir them up against the rapidity, while the voice of Lajos Kossuth was new government of Hungary. The Ban of heard, like the sound of a trumpet, calling all Croatia, Jellachich, put himself at the head of Hungary to arms: the Croats, and went into rebellion. The Servian and Wallachian Banats followed the example; and all, joining their forces, began to invade and lay waste the districts of Hungary Proper, committing numberless atrocities in the name of the Emperor. The Hungarians, totally unprepared for these treacherous tactics, appealed to the Emperor against the Ban, inviting Ferdinand to come to Pesth on the opening of the new Diet, and thence give orders to the rebels to retire and lay down their arms. Ferdinand pretended to disclaim the proceedings of the Croats and Wallachians, and even sanctioned a proclamation for their suppression. But he did not come to "A glorious people vibrated again The lightning of the nations!" On the 29th of September, Jellachich, who had advanced within twelve miles of BudaPesth, was set upon by the vehement but illarmed young levies of Hungary, defeated with the loss of ten thousand men, and driven ignominiously over the frontier into Austria. The Emperor then appointed Count Adam Kecsey, as President of the Hungarian Diet, to dissolve it, annul its decrees, and appoint Jellachich com mander-in-chief of the Hungarian armies! This was designed to drive the Magyars to despera tion; Ferdinand saw the shadow of the Czar on the plains of Hungary. The Diet now declared itself in permanence, decreed Jellachich a traitor, and formed a "Committee of Defence," (somewhat on the plan of the old French "Committee of Safety,") of which the President was Lajos Kossuth, who, having been always the foremost man in questioning the power of the House of Hapsburg, now boldly occupied the most perilous place in rebellion against it. In the beginning of October, the citizens of Vienna rose once more against the soldiers of the Emperor, and drove them out. All eyes were now turned to the capital. The Imperial armies began to move towards it and Kossuth, having reviewed the Army of Hungary at Presburg, electrified them with one of his grand harangues, and pointed to the high-road which led from that city to Vienna. Auersperg, Windischgratz, and Jellachich, were already posted around it in three camps, as the Honved landstrum hurried up to fight for the city,-fifty thousand strong, but in great part armed with scythes. Opposed to them were 120,000 Imperialists. But the Hungarians held right on; and, on the 30th of October, trembling and excited citizens on the steeple of St. Stephens saw, with unutterable feelings, the courageous Magyars moving into the plains around the capital, and falling upon the besiegers at Schwachat. It was a glorious and bloody affair. The scythemen, under Guyon the Englishman or the Irish-yet aware of the conspiracy which was about to man, mowed down their enemies like grass. But the odds were terribly against them, and they fought for the whole day in vain, treachery and a partial surrender of the city having prevented the Viennese from making a sally. The Hungarians retired, leaving several thousands dead upon the field. command. The fortune of war changed again. Görgey made a successful march against the military tinchel that hemmed in the Magyar forces; and in a little time the army of Schlick was defeated. Bem broke through into Transylvania, at the head of a small army, and soon drove the Austrians and Russians, under Puchner, over the frontiers. Görgey again marched against Jellachich, defeated him, and advanced victoriously into Komorn. Görgey was a brave and good soldier but no more. His name, compared with Kossuth's, "is written on the roll of common men." The Austrians were now retreating, everywhere, over the frontiers. On the 26th of April was promulgated, at Debreczin, the Hungarian Declaration of Independence: after which the Diet, under the victorious escort of General Aulich, returned to Pesth, in the midst of general rejoicing. Kossuth was hailed, as he well de served to be, with the liveliest demonstrations of homage and attachment; and when he proclaimed that the dynasty of Hapsburg-Lorraine had ceased to reign, the whole Magyar people responded in a voice of gratulatory thunder. On the 14th of May, in the Protestant Church of Debreczin, he took the oaths as Governor of Hungary, and swore to sustain the Act of Independence. On the 5th of June, he made a triumphal entry into Pesth, with his wife and children. It would seem that the Hungarians were not bring the Czar down upon them. They thought that, having beaten back the Wallach, Croat, and Austrian invasions, they had done everything. Kossuth, indeed, suspected some trouble to come, and advised an advance after their beaten enemies to Vienna, and a summons to the Austrians to rise against the House of Hapsburg. Bat Görgey and others did not think this advisable. In the beginning of June, the infamous coalition of the Austrian and Russian armies had taken republic of Hungary. Haynau, memorable for his cruelties, and for the ignominious defeat he received at the hands of the honest London draymen, commanded an army of 75,000 men at Presburg. On the northeast frontiers, about 120,000 Russians marched under Prince Paskievicz, Rudigers, and Luders. The whole strength of the Servian and Wallachian rebels marched under their own leaders; and Jellachich moved at the head of 50,000 Sclaves and Croats. Over 300,000 men, in fact, were now poured remorselessly into the fields of Hungary. To oppose these, the Hungarian forces, in eight armies, amounting to about 100,000 men, were posted as advantageously as possible, But their countrymen were not dispirited. Preparations for war were everywhere actively carried on. Anvils were heard ringing throughout the land, day and night; armories were esta-place, and both advanced to destroy the infant blished and set to work; the bells of the churches were melted and cast into cannon; and the magnates, mortgaging their possessions, brought their grateful tenants into the field, in large bodies. Even the Catholic prelates of Hungary joined the cause of their country against a Catholic monarch, and addressed to him a solemn remonstrance, denouncing the wrongs inflicted upon their unhappy native land. But Ferdinand, overwhelmed by the infamy of his position, fled from the throne into obscurity, leaving his place to his nephew, Francis Joseph, nineteen years old, who had not, like him, sworn to respect the Hungarian constitution, and who was, therefore, somewhat more at liberty to hew it down with his sword. Then began the military struggle between the empire and the kingdom of Hungary. Seven or eight armies marched into that devoted land, under the command of Schlick, Puchner, Nugent, Windischgratz, Jellachich, and others. In the begin-mind. He governed and directed all the move ning the Hungarian armies, badly disciplined and imperfectly armed, were worsted. Perczel was defeated, and the Austrians overran Transylvania. Schlick overpowered Dembinsky; Mazzaros was beaten at Kassau; Görgey was driven in towards the centre, and Presburg, Raab, Buda, and Pesth fell into the hands of the Imperialists. On the 1st of January, 1849, the Diet being now at Debreczin, a new plan of campaign was arranged, and General Vetter received the supreme "To stand, a wall of fire, around their much-loved land." In this solemn and perilous crisis of the country. Kossuth exerted all the powers of his vigorous ments of the war from his council-room, and, journeying through Hungary, excited everywhere the resistance of the people by the charm of his unfailing eloquence. Above all the rumours and military tumults of the time, his loud voice rang through the land :-"Between Vesprim and Wiessenberg the women shall dig a deep grave, in which we will bury the name, honour, and nation of Hungary, or our enemies! And on this grave shall stand a monument, inscribed either with "Shook the arsenal, and fulmined over Greece To Macedon and Artaxerxes' throne," the record of our shame, 'So God punishes | country at Szegedin, and prepare for a desperate cowardice!' or we will plant on it the tree of final effort. Dembinsky took up an almost imLiberty, from which the voice of God, speaking, pregnable position on the confluence of the Maros as once to Moses, shall declare, 'Thus do I reward and the Theiss,-one which promised to be the brave-to the Magyars, freedom, renown, the Torres Vedras of Hungary-like that "Old and happiness!" The orations of Demosthenes, Towers," on the shore of Portugal, which Lord rolling over the Athenian Agora, when he Wellington defended against Massena in 1809, and from which he was enabled to retrieve the whole Peninsula. But the fatal news was spread that Görgey was thinking of surrendering! This general had always shown himself as insubordinate to the Diet as he was brave. He had a military contempt for the Council, and used to say of Kossuth, "It is a pity he is not a soldier!" He was jealous of the authority of the Governor of Hungary, and determined to act the part acted in the first French revolution by General Dumouriez He was, doubtless, tampered with by the Russians, while, perhaps, he also really felt the hopelessness of continuing the struggle against such terrible odds. At last he solicited from Kossuth the Dictatorship of Hungary; and this being conceded, he proceeded to carry out his premeditated resolution. At Vilagos, on the 13th of August, 1849, he surrendered his army, and consequently the cause of Hungary, into the bloody hands of the Czar. The emotions of grief and despair with which the Magyar armies heard of the general capitulation were intense. In laying down their arms, hundreds wept and raved, and many blew their brains out. were formal and feeble, compared with the military harangues of Kossuth in June, 1849, as he called upon the universal landsturm-the last forlorn hope of the people-to rise and march in defence of the Magyar land. He was answered by an outburst of devoted patriotism. Even the old men and matrons, the young women and striplings, pierced by that solemn, imploring appeal, were known to come forward and ask if they could do nothing for their cherished country. Kossuth's sister issued a proclamation to the women of Hungary, which made every home in the land, so to speak, a little fortalice of patriotic feelings and resolutions. In the mean time, the Magyars looked in vain to the other governments for help. Europe afforded them none. Kossuth sent envoys to all the powers; he sent one also to America; and, as the storm burst upon Hungary, he called upon the nations to look upon her wrongs and sufferings; to raise a voice in her behalf;-to save her from annihilation,-urging, at the same time, every argument of international policy, gallantry, or Christian charity, which can strongest appeal to the minds of men. No one, without a flush of indignation, can recall these things. Not a word was spoken for Hungary,-not an arm was raised in her defence. Of all the nations, England acted most basely, seeing she was among the freest and most powerful, was close to the seat of war, and had but to speak a word. She will rudely and bloodily interfere for her own costermonger interests; but when a perishing nation calls on her for aid against the most atrocious cruelty, "the noble Albion" will not lift a finger. As for America, she was too remote; and the Hungarian movements took place so rapidly that our people had not time to understand the bloody business in all its atrocity; nor did they think the Hungarian cause was in such extremity. In spite of the prudent policy of our government, leaning always to conservatism, we will be bold to say that, if America were as near the Theiss and Danube as England and France are, Hungary would never have been murdered on the floor of Europe! We believe no one will be hardy enough to deny this. And let no one consider it our reproach; it is our glory. And that conviction must be, at present, our only consolation for the misery of looking inactively at such a horrible perpetration! In little more than two months from the advance of the Imperial allies, the nation of Hungary was no more! The brute masses of Austria and Russia had overwhelmed her armies and garrisons. The deadly reverses of the heroic Magyars are too melancholy to be recapitulated. Everywhere the Hungarian armies fought with a courage worthy of their cause, and memorable as long as freedom holds a seat in this distracted globe. In the middle of June, it was thought fit concentrate the armies and garrisons of the The cause of Hungary was now as prostrate as that of Poland. Kossuth went across the southern frontiers, and claimed the protection of the Sultan; and Haynau commenced the infamous butcheries which will make the nineteenth century look red with shame to the end of time. We were all witnesses of these savage slaughters; and are inclined to think that, in spite of electricity, steam, and so forth, men now-a-days are as brutal and barbarous as they were a thousand years ago! More so, perhaps; for there was such a thing as chivalry in those dark ages, which we are in the habit of sneering at. When the refugees got into Turkey, the philosophic Bem, seeing how little he and Hungary had benefited by the Christian profession of which Europe is so proud, repudiated it cheerfully, and turned Turk. Several others followed his example. But Lajos Kossuth was resolved to wait, and give the Christianity of Europe one more chance! RENEWAL OF THE HUNGARIAN WAR. SCOTT. THE war of Hungary did not close with the surrender of Görgey, after all. Freedom, at that time, "Departed to the desert, but in arms." Kossuth never laid down his own; and now he is using them with renovated vigour after another and even more effective fashion, as we devoutly trust. Once more a voice louder than the "Voice of Godollo" alarms the despots of Europe, and renews the strife of Liberty. The world did not credit half the greatness of Kossuth till he had fallen. He is now proving himself the master mind of the age. Those who looked on it as |