104

Hints towards the Formation of a Perfect Alphabet.

4. The three compound aspirates are easily distinguished by a slight bend in the form of the simple aspirates. In the same manner, the different powers of n, with the French nasal, are distinguished from the different sounds of l, and voco-nasal ng, by slight variations of form. So also the anomalous letters are represented by modifications of the nearest cognate characters.

I might easily modify a number of the consonants in such a manner as to give them greater beauty or variety of form, without obliterating their characteristic features; but although this would improve their appearance, it would defeat my present object, which is to give an exemplification of a regular alphabet.

These fifty-four symbols probably embrace the whole circle of distinct vocal sounds; but it will be a difficult matter indeed, among the multitude of characters that might be chosen, to agree upon which would be the best. Informing symbols, it seems advisable to attend to the following rules : 1st, That to save time and space, the construction of the characters should be as simple as is consistent with variety of form; and that, on the other hand, the distinctions between the different letters should be sufficiently broad, to prevent them from being easily confounded with one another. 2. That form, not size, should constitute the distinction between them; otherwise a niceness of proportion in constructing them, and of discrimination in the perusal, would be required, which cannot be expected of writers and readers in general. 3. All the parts of the letters should be formed at once, otherwise haste or indolence will often prevent the penman from returning to give the finishing touches,-points, dashes, or whatever they may be. From this cause alone the current hand of the Persians, called "Shukust," is little better than a system of stenography; almost all the dots, or nooktahs, being usually omitted. Now, since what is written by one is often intended to be read by many, it is contrary to the principle of utility that the writer should be saved a little pains, which will probably cost a great deal of trouble to hundreds of readers.

In the two latter particulars I think Dr. Gilchrist's system not perfect : and also that his division of the vowel-sounds into long, middle, and short, adds some difficulty to the subject which might be avoided. I should, therefore, be glad if he were to throw this away, as well as his central dots and cross bars. The consonants I propose consist wholly of projecting letters, and the vowels of short circular ones,—a distinction to which our present alphabet strongly inclines. A perfect system of symbols would render the qualities of composition visible to the eye almost before perusal. The strength of jarring consonants, the harmony of alliteration, the melodious intermixture of vowels and liquids, would be perceived at a glance. By the addition of a few other symbols to mark the various inflections of the human voice, the eloquence of the orator would be placed on an imperishable record, where it might be read with exactness by future generations. We might then boast, with justice, of having acquired the valuable faculty of expressing our thoughts accurately upon paper, which is far from being the case at present; the most simple sentence being often quite ambiguous, and liable to four or five interpretations, according to the manner in which it might be uttered.

As to the advantages of such an orthographical reform, I may observe, that according to our present mode of writing English, to learn to read it tolerably, considered altogether apart from understanding it, would require

Primitives

Liquids

Ori - Nasovocal voral

Aspirates

Towels.

I. Labials

Short Long

p

B

ppp

h

6

6

तै ही

II. Dentals h b k B

III. Palatals 1

Compound Aspirates

IV. Gutturals y G G7 Y g g

For the Oriental Foraia' - J.Netheralift Liikog VG15 Raêkbone Place.

at least one year. On the new system proposed, a person might learn to read all the languages in the world in a single month; and to read them. much more accurately than he can now do English alone, after ten times more study. Such a saving of labour is surely worth attending to in this age of political economists.

I shall conclude by expressing a hope that your learned Correspondent will pursue this subject with his usual perseverance and success.

A.

LETTER OF COLONEL STANHOPE TO RAM MOHUN ROY.

WORTHY PHILANTHROPIST,

YOUR Memorial to the King of England, demonstrating the usefulness and safety of a free press in British India, and praying for its restoration, I forwarded, with a letter, to the Secretary of the Board of Control. He honoured me with a courteous reply, stating that it had been graciously received by his Majesty.

This Memorial, considering it as the production of a foreigner, and an Hindoo of this age, displays so much sense, knowledge, argument, and even eloquence, that the friends of liberty have dwelt upon it with wonder; while the monopolists, who would doom one hundred millions of England's subjects to cternal despotism, unequal to combat with its logic, have denied its authenticity.

The advocates for censors and licensers are now in the full sway of their bad power. They are, however, either silenced by their fears, or struck dumb by the reasonings of their antagonists, or reduced to a most lame and impotent defence. What are their arguments? Read the proceedings on the late Appeal before the Privy Council, and you will not find one that has truth or reason to support it.

Mr. Bosanquet contended, that "a free press was adapted only to countries, the government of which depended on the good opinion which. the people entertained of its justice and wisdom, and the other qualities which belong to good government." Certainly a free press is not calculated for an unjust, an unwise, or a bad government, which are the characteristics implied by Mr. Bosanquet of our Indian rule. Yet who but the Honourable East India Company's advocate would maintain such rank immorality? The Directors who attended the debate must have been vexed enough to hear him slide into so imprudent an admission. The Holy Alliance would blush to hear such doctrines. The Holy Inquisition, when it reigned in all its glory at Goa, never supported any thing so diabolical. If a demon were sent on earth to seek out some crime for which a nation was to be condemned, he could not devise a more frightful one than that of a race of civilized conquerors dooming one hundred millions of their distant and submissive subjects, and their descendants, to eternal misgovernment.

"De Lolme," said Mr. Spankie," had stated that the establishment of a printing press in Constantinople would, ipso facto, overturn the government." No doubt: but does Mr. Spankie mean to compare

This was an error of the learned Serjeant: De Lolme has stated no such thing. We shall enlarge on this subject bereafter.-Ev.

Lord Amherst to a Sultan-Censor Adam to his Vizier-our Collectors and Judges to Bashaws-our Sepoys to Janissaries, and one hundred millions of English subjects to Turkish slaves? And if he does, can any statesman, Tory or Whig, wish to perpetuate such a system? "The liberty of the press and a free government," said Mr. Spankie, "might amalgamate together; but if it were united with an absolute government, it would speedily mildew and destroy its brother." What does Mr. Spankie mean by free and absolute governments? There are degrees in both these systems of rule. England is less free than America; for, according to Mr. Spankie, though she admits of no slavery at home, she has nothing but slaves in Hindoostan. France is less despotic than Austria, and Austria less despotic than Turkey. Prussia is a despotismbut still under Frederick the Great she enjoyed great liberty of discussion. Our slave colonies are despotisms-but they have their constitutions, laws, and free presses. India, too, is called a despotism; but the press was free to licentiousness, in the dangerous times of Warren Hastings; and, according to Mr. Spankie, during Lord Hastings's administration.

This advocate was not, however, satisfied with simple despotism, such as it prevailed in Prussia, or even in our slave colonies. He was for a despotism more unlimited than that which existed in the time when Burke told the Parliament, that the British rule in India was the most galling tyranny that had ever existed on the face of the globe; and that her protection was worse than all the irruptions of the Tartars and the Arabs.

"A cargo of European clothing," observed Lawyer Bosanquet, "would no more fit the persons, than our laws and maxims would suit the moral, political, and religious opinions of the people of India;" notwithstanding that all the Sepoys are clothed in garments made in and sent out from England. Mr. Bosanquet seems to think that the natives of Hindoostan are a curious race of animals-a species of ouran-outangs, somewhat resembling man, but inferior to him in form and reason; and hence he would domineer over them as herdsmen do over the brutes of the field. If we speak of curious races, however, where is there, after all, to be found an animal less like a man than your English lawyer, with his legal reason, and his artificial reason,' his rusty stuff-gown, and his dusty ridiculous wig? These are the only human beings who do not in all things admit the pre-eminence of reason, founded, not in law, but in truth; and whom no clothes will fit but silk gowns or robes of ermine. Mr. Bosanquet asserts, that "not a single step can be taken in India without hazard and peril;" and, according to Mr. Spankie, we could not induce the people to feel an affection for our Government, nor to rise to take up arms in its defence. The only thing we could hope,” said he, was to prevent them from taking arms against us." This is a most melancholy prospect. It must be evident, indeed, to all men, that no structure ever rested upon a worse foundation. It is like those modern metropolitan houses of ours that are built to stand for a few years, and then to overwhelm their inhabitants in their ruins. The sooner we change a course so replete with weakness and danger, and follow Lord Hastings's wise steps, the better; for there can be no root to any government but in the good will and good opinion of the people. "And the surest way,"

1 Vide Lord Coke, 12th Report.