at that time should be retained, the President sent a line to H. J. Raymond, editor of the New York Times, under date of August 15, 1864:

"MY DEAR SIR: I have proposed to Mr. Greeley that the Niagara correspondence be published, suppressing only the parts of his letter, over which red pencil is drawn in the copy which I herewith send. He declines giving his consent to the publication of his letters unless these parts be published with the rest. I have concluded that it is better for me to submit for the time to the consequences of publishing these discouraging and injurious parts. I send you this and the accompanying copy not for publication, but merely to explain to you, and that you preserve them until the proper time shall come. Yours truly, ABRAHAM LINCOLN."

In the correspondence, since published, there is no evidence that Mr. Greeley ever informed the rebel emmissaries of the President's original conditions for a safe conduct and interview. For the good of the country the President was willing to bear the charge of having pursued an inconsistent course with them, and of having repelled offers of peace, until such time as the facts in the case could be published without detriment to the Union cause. Every effort possible was now being made by those opposed to the war and in sympathy with the rebellion to create a peace, party in the loyal States, to paralyze the efforts of the administration for the restoration of the Union, and to widen the dissensions in the Republican party. These futile efforts of the enemies of the Union gave the President but little concern. They were but the ebullitions and throes of the rebellion in its last stage of dissolution, with indications that it had passed the limit of resuscitation. A more significant and positive enunciation of the purposes of the rebellion than was shadowed by the Niagara imbroglio came directly from the President of the Confederacy at Richmond. The Rev. Colonel James F. Jaques of the 73d regiment, Illinois, with J. R. Gilmore, Esq., of New York, had, with President Lincoln's knowledge, but without his formal permission, made a visit to the rebel capital. Their object was to obtain direct from President Davis the terms or conditions on which peace could be obtained, and reunion assured. They were allowed to pass through the lines of both armies for that purpose. On their arrival in Richmond, they addressed a letter to J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State, stating their object and requesting an interview with President Davis, which was given; and a long, earnest conversation ensued, and at the close, President Davis presented his terms in the following words:

"I desire peace as much as you do. I feel that not one drop of the b shed in this war is on my hands. I can look up to my God and say this. I tried all in my power to avert this war. I saw it coming, and for twelve years I worked night and day to prevent it, but I could not. The North was

mad and blind. It would not let us govern ourselves, and so the war came, and it must go on till the last man of this generation falls in his tracks, and his children seize his musket and fight our battles, unless you acknowledge our right to self-government. We are not fighting for slavery, we are fighting for independence, and that or extermination we will have. Say to Mr. Lincoln, from me, that I shall at any time be pleased to receive proposals for peace on the basis of our independence. It will be useless to approach me with any other."

The illusive theory and statements of the leaders of the opposition to the administration in the loyal States, that the Confederates were not fighting against the Union, but against abolition, were disproved and denied by the arch traitor himself, and the publication of President Davis' ultimatum gave power and strength to the Union cause. It was now understood and settled that the war must go on until the independence of the Southern Confederacy should be acknowledged or the Union restored.

CHAPTER XLIV.

RESULT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST, 1864.

The anxiety and uncertainty in the public mind as to the action of the Democratic Convention were now to be relieved, for the time of its meeting was now at hand. It met at Chicago on the 29th of August. General Grant, with his army, was before Petersburg, holding General Lee in Richmond, and General Sherman, with his army, was in the heart of the Confederacy before Atlanta. The results of the military movements, although favorable, were still undecided. Gigantic efforts were being made to furnish men for the reinforcements of the Union forces. The loyal element of the Democratic party was still in favor of the suppression of the rebellion and restoration of the Union by the military power. The disloyal portion of the Democratic party in sympathy with the Confederacy was now congregated at Chicago. Evidences were not wanting that this meeting would give relief to the administration and confidence to the friends of the Union, and that the labors and results of that Convention would strengthen the Union cause, and prove an ally, instead of an enemy, to the restoration of the National authority. In reviewing, at this time, the incidents and events that transpired during the first four years of President Lincoln's administration, we see the direction of that overruling Providence, in the spirit and acts of that Convention, which was so conducted and directed that its action strengthened the Union cause, which it intended to subvert and destroy. Mr. Vallandigham, who had been sent to his friends in the South by the President, and who had returned without leave, was the leading spirit and figurehead of the Convention. Mr. Long, member of Congress from Ohio, who had declared himself in favor of recognizing the rebel Confederacy, and who had been declared by the House of Representatives as an unworthy member of that body, was conspicuous on that occasion, as were a full representation of those who had opposed coercion and who still sympathized and gave aid and comfort to the rebellion. Mr. Vallandigham was appointed Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions. He was treated by the Convention as one who had suffered martyrdom for

the Democratic party. He who had been defeated for Governor of his State by over one hundred thousand votes, was the most active and influential member of the Convention, and his sympathizing friend, Governor Seymour of New York, was made President of the Convention. The platform adopted was made up largely of denunciations of the policy and course of the administration for the suppression of the rebellion. It gave no plan or policy for the restoration of the Union, but demanded that there should be a cessation of hostilities. General George B. McClellan was nominated for President, and George H. Pendleton for Vice-President. The Convention, after finishing up its business, adjourned, subject to be called together again at any time or place that its Executive Committee might designate. This action of the Convention, so unusual and peculiar, seemed to indicate purposes and possibilities that might arise, which was considered as not in keeping with the patriotism it had assumed. From the time the Convention adjourned, the feelings of uncertainty and doubt that seemed to have prevailed with the friends of the adminstration, were entirely dispelled, and confidence was fully restored, and all, even many of the Democratic leaders, anticipated the triumph of the Republican party.

In October, the question of the adoption of a new constitution for the State of Maryland was to be submitted to the people, in which was a provision for the abolishment of slavery in that State. In this connection, it is proper to state that there was a disagreement between Walter H. Davis, Senator, a prominent anti-slavery and Republican leader of that State, and Montgomery Blair, a member of the Cabinet, which, in the President's judgment, endangered the adoption of the free State Constitution. A resolution adopted by the Baltimore Convention was: "We deem it essential to the general welfare that harmony should prevail in our National councils, and we regard as worthy of confidence and official trust only those who cordially indorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions." It was understood that the foregoing resolution referred to Postmaster-General Blair, who, on the passage of the resolution, placed his resignation in the hands of the President, to be used if the President considered that circumstances rendered action in that direction desirable. The President became satisfied that the cause of the Union party in Maryland would be promoted by the retirement of Mr. Blair from the Cabinet, and his resignation, which had been in the hands of the President for sometime, was formally accepted, and he was succeeded by ex-Governor William Dennison of Ohio. A short time before this change in the Cabinet, the President wrote to a convention of the friends of the new constitution in Maryland, in which he expressed his great desire for its adoption. He said: "It needs not to be a secret, and I presume it is no secret, that I wish the success of the provision for the

abolishment of slavery in your State. I desire it on every consideration. I wish to see all men free. I wish the National prosperity of the already free, which I feel the extinction of slavery would bring." The result of the election in Maryland indicated the progress and march of public opinion in the direction so much desired by the President and the friends of the Union, and this was consummated by the popular vote in the abolishment of slavery in that State, on the 8th and 9th of October, 1864. On the result being known, the President was serenaded by the Union citizens of that State then in Washington, as an expression of their satisfaction at the result. The response of the President will give, to some extent, the subject of public discussion at that time, and the President's views:

"It is regarded by some that the Chicago Convention adjourned, not sine die, but to meet again if called to do so by a particular individual, as the intention of a purpose that if its nominee shall be elected he will at once seize control of the Government. I hope the good people will not permit themselves to suffer any uneasiness on that account. I am struggling to maintain the Government, .not to overthrow it. I am struggling specially to prevent others from overthrowing it. I therefore say that, if I live, I shall remain as President until the 4th of next March, and that whosoever shall be constitutionally elected in November shall be duly installed on the 4th of March, and in the interval I shall do my utmost that whoever is to hold the helm of State for the next voyage shall start with the best possible chance of saving the ship,"

A Convention had been called in Tennessee by Andrew Johnson, who was at that time Governor, to reorganize the State in order to take part in the approaching Presidential election. The form of an oath was adopted for those who desired to vote. The oath was one that no loyal citizen would refuse to take. There was this clause in it: "I will cordially oppose all armistices and negotiations for peace with the rebels in arms until the Constitution of the United States, and all laws and proclamations made in pursuance thereof, shall be established over all the people of every State and Territory embraced within the National Union." It will, of course, be seen at once that there were many voters in Tennessee who would be unwilling to take that oath, especially those who subscribed to the Chicago platform and favored the election of McClellan. The friends of McClellan protested against this oath, and a committee was appointed to bear their protest to the President. The President did not receive the committee very graciously. He had no faith in the loyalty of any citizen who could not subscribe to the oath required. He also felt that it was a matter in which he, as President, had no right to interfere. The action of the Convention and of Governor Johnson had not been instigated or recommended by him, and he would not