moft extenfive philanthropy, of great learning, and of undoubted capacity; but who, inflamed with a romantic and impracticable idea of Liberty, were eagerly aiming to grafp a fleeting fhadow, while they were in actual poffeffion of the fubftance. The grand enquiry, in fhort, is this: Does that renowned conftitution of government under which we live, or does it not, fecure to us the full and permanent enjoyment of thofe rights which we may justly claim in a state of civil fociety? Dr. Price, with out hesitation, will answer in the negative; "for the "perfons to whom the truft of government is com"mitted are chofen for long terms; they are chosen "by a part of the people only; they are fubject to 66 no control from their conftituents; and there is an higher will, on which even these mock repre"fentatives depend: fo that the very idea of "Liberty is loft, and it is an abufe of language to "retain the term." Let Dr. Price, however, declaim as long and as loudly as he pleafes, it ftill remains an inconteftible fact, that from the æra of the Revolution, when the key-ftone was put to this "Arch of Empire," Lberty, both civil and religious, has been enjoyed by the inhabitants of these kingdoms, in a degree far fuperior to any thing known, or even imagined, in any former age or country. Under this government no facrifice has been made, in any inftance, of our fundamental rights; but, on the contrary, fince that period they have re ceived ceived feveral very fignal and important confirmations; nor do I difcern the most distant fymptom of danger at prefent. If I chose to oppofe fpeculation to fpeculation, I would fay, that the term of delegation feems to be a well-chofen medium; it is neither fo long as to tempt the reprefentative body to forget its dependence on their constituents; nor fo fhort as, by frequent re-elections, to involve the kingdom in a perpetual fcene of tumult and difcord. I would fay, that if the representative body is chofen by a part of the nation only, that part is fufficiently numerous to fecure an infe-, parable union of interests between the reprefenta tives and the people at large, which is the only real use of reprefentation. I would fay, if the reprefentatives, when chofen, were fubject to no control from their conftituents, that fuch an entire freedom from control was abfolutely necef. fary to give dignity and efficiency to their proceedings; and that a body so chofen, was incomparably better qualified to judge what measures would most conduce to the public interefts than the conftituents themselves, and would be influenced by the very fame motives to advance thofe interefts to the utmost of their power; and that an appeal to the people upon every political question that might arife, would be productive of every fpecies of faction, anarchy, and confufion. And as to the higher will, on which the representative body is fuppofed to depend, if it refers to the influence N 3 fluence of the executive magiftrate, I should not fcruple to fay, that, according to that theory of hu man nature on which every theory of Government ought to be founded, it feems to me abfolutely effential to the firm and permanent duration of the constitutional authority of that magiftrate, that he fhould poffefs a certain degree of influence over the legislative body. The conflitution has indeed wifely given him a negative upon their refolutions; but whoever imagines, that, by virtue of that branch of his prerogative alone, he would be able to withstand the continual efforts by which a natural love of power would infallibly and infenfibly incite that formidable body to affail or undermine his authority, is but little acquainted with either theory or fact. Interest must be oppofed to intereft; and the fole difpofal of the honours and emoluments of the ftate, for this amongst other wife and important reafons, is placed in the hands of the fupreme magistrate, that he may be enabled to check the irregular or exorbitant ambition of the legislative affemblies, by opposing the private intereft of the individuals who compofe it, to the public and collective interest of the whole body: and though it is impoffible in this, as in a thoufand other cafes, to draw a precife line, and to fay, with respect to the regal influence, thus far it ought to extend, and no farther; yet nothing can be more obvious, than that a total abolition of that influence would amount to nothing lefs lefs than an abfolute fubverfion of the conftitution. I hope, however, I am in no danger of being misunderstood. I am far from afferting, that the conftitution has arrived at its ultimate point of perfection; but I own, I have an inveterate dislike to improvements merely fpeculative and theoretical. If a grievance can be proved to exift, let the most effectual remedy which human wisdom and prudence can fuggeft be applied to it,—and in this manner the conftitution has, in fact, been gradually and infenfibly formed; but of apprehenfions and furmifes, there is no end. We all know what the conftitution is at present, and we all feel the beneficial effects refulting from it; but if innovations are continually made, in confequence of the fpecious fpeculations of bold projectors, who can fay what it may at length be? The plans actually propofed by fome men of this class for strengthening and confirming what they are pleased to dignify with the name of Liberty, and the bulwarks and barriers which they would erect for her defence, feem to me to the full as romantic and vifionary as the wall of brass with which it is pretended that Friar Bacon, by his magical power, propofed to guard the coafts of Britain. For my part, I own, I am better satisfied with those wooden walls by which we are at prefent defended, and with those fecurities, however weak N 4 |