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gainsay this statement, or by other means to work out man's redemption, shall find himself realizing the old myth of the Titan doomed ever to roll his huge stone up the steep hill, and ever to have it, ere it reach the top, roll back with thundering rebound.
In these somewhat desultory and disconnected remarks, we have, of course, had no intention of confining ourselves to a critical examination of Schiller's work. We have made his volume of æsthetic prose the occasion of some suggestions which we have felt were not uncalled for by the spirit of our age and country. In the dorninant tendency of the age and country we see only unmixed evil, and we are obliged to place ourselves in direct opposition to what the great mass of the active and, if you will, philanthropic portion of our countrymen are pursuing as the supreme good. We cannot cooperate or sympathize with even our own former friends, and are obliged to wage war against the thousands of ardent minds and generous hearts who are but following the very tendency they at first received from ourselves. This painful position we must assume as the penalty of our own former heresies and errors. The tendency of the age is humanitarian, and the avowed object of those who stand, in their own judgment, at the head of the “ Movement Party” is to instaurate the “religion of humanity.” Humanity is put in the place of God, and it, instead of God, are we profanely called upon to worship, trust, and obey. It is the most dangerous species of IDOLATRY ever invented; for it is the most seductive, the least flagrant. Our modern philosophy, poetry, literature in general, politics, and institutions are rapidly conforming themselves to it, and preparing to embellish, and sanctify, and sustain it. The appeal
, through all is to the mighty heart of humanity”; the orator and the poet gather their inspirations from “ the upheavings of universal humanity,” and command us to bow down and adore before the onward movements of the masses.” Alas ! how little do they who are burning incense to “ the masses,” singing the praises of “ humanity,” and exulting in what they call " the triumphs of man,” know of what horrible idolatry they are guilty, into what unknown depths of sin and misery they are plunging this poor human race they profess, and many of them, no doubt, honestly profess, to serve! God forgive us for having been once one of their number !
The Devil disguises himself as an angel of light, and would, if it were possible, deceive the very elect. Under the mad
dening cry of “humanity,” “ liberty,” and “ social reform," words so magical to every generous spirit, he seeks to entice the faithful from their allegiance, and “ to place himself in the seat of God, and to make himself worshipped as God.” All who really love our Lord Jesus Christ, all who would really serve their race, and work out for man a greater measure of good even for this life, must watch and
lest they enter into temptation.” The enemy with whom we have to contend is as subtle, as artful, as he is wicked. He can appear in any shape and under any disguise'he pleases. At present, his favorite disguise is that of LIBERAL, PHILANTHROPist, and REFORMER, and in this disguise he is more successful than he ever was in any former disguise he has ever adopted. We have not yet seen the end of his career under this disguise. He is yet to convulse nations, and, in many countries, to break up society to its very foundations. He seduces thousands
upon thousands from their allegiance, and with his lying promises ruins them here, and effects their damnation hereafter. Brethren, be on your guard. Remember the admonition of the Apostle, “ We are of God. He that knoweth God heareth
He that is not of God heareth not us. By this we know the spirit of truth from the spirit of error.” 1 St. John, iv. 6. Know that every spirit that separateth from the Church, that abideth not in her doctrine and communion, whatever highsounding names it may adopt, whatever seducing forms it may bear, whatever kindling speech it may use, is not of God, is the spirit of error, is Antichrist, is of the Devil. Believe it not. Go not after it. Listen not one moment to its flattering promises. Nothing will come of them but disaster and ruin here, and eternal death hereafter.
Yet be not alarmed. More are they that are for us than they that are against us. We know in whom we trust, and that he is able to thwart all the wiles of the adversary, and to keep what we have confided to him unto eternal life: Be constant, be vigilant, be watchful unto prayer. Be content to worship the God of your fathers in the way they worshipped him, the way of Jesus Christ and the Apostles, the way of the saints and martyrs, who, with white robes and palms in their hands, now celebrate their victories, and offer
prayers as sweet incense for your final perseverance and ultimate triumph. With holy faith, and unwavering hope, and charity that believe eth, hopeth, dareth, endureth all things, hide yourselves in the temple of your God, in his holy tabernacle, in the secret of his pavilion, till the danger be past.
Art. VI. – 1. The History of Ireland, Ancient and Mod
By the Abbé Mac Gheoghegan. Translated from the French, by PATRICK O'KELLY, Esq. New
York : D. & J. Sadlier. 1845. 8vo. Parts I. and II. 2. Catechism of the History of Ireland, Ancient and Modern.
By W. J. O'Neill Daunt, Esq. Boston : Donahoe. 1845. 16mo. pp. 160. The first named of these works, originally written in French, and dedicated to the Irish Brigade, to which the author was chaplain, not long since translated at Dublin for the first time into English, is now in the course of republication in this country, and is to be completed in eight parts of about eighty pages each. It is sent out in a style very creditable to the publishers, and furnished at the low price of twenty-five cents a part. Of its merits as a history of Ireland we are not personally qualified to speak ; but its success in Dublin has been very great, and we are assured by competent judges, that it is a work of very considerable merit, and perhaps the best popular history of Ireland to be obtained. We trust it will find a ready and extensive sale among our countrymen generally.
The second work mentioned is strictly what its name imports, written by an ardent Repealer and confidential friend of O'Connell. It embodies a large number of facts, and, though evidently intended as a tract to aid the cause of Repeal, it appears to be written with a good degree of fairness and impartiality. A few of its statements seem to us to require modification, and its earnest desire to enlist the Protestant Irish in the national cause leads, now and then, to some admissions and professions which disturb our Catholic sensibilities a little ; but, upon the whole, we commend it to our readers as an admirable compend of Irish history.
We intend before long to offer some thoughts on Irish history and Irish affairs in general ; but, at present, we have room only for a few remarks suggested by passing events more or less remotely connected with the Repeal movement, and Mr. O'Connell, its distinguished chief.
We have nothing to say on the simple question of Repeal, for we do not feel ourselves competent to say what is or is not best for the real interests of the Irish people. Ireland is unquestionably one of the worst governed countries in the world, and we need nothing more than ordinary humanity
to demand in loud and earnest tones her enfranchisement. But whether the specific measure of the repeal of the act of union and the restoration of her domestic parliament would effectually remove or lighten the evils which now weigh so heavily upon her, we consider Irishmen better qualified to decide than we are ; and to them belongs, and to them we leave, the decision of the question, if it be still an open question. For ourselves, we will only add, that Ireland has never, in our judgment, lost her nationality ; she therefore still possesses all the inherent rights of a nation, and is entitled to self-government as much as any other nation, free from all foreign control or dictation. If we did not take this ground, we should be obliged to regard the Repeal movements of our citizens as virtually, if not expressly, in contravention of international law. But, taking this ground, we are free to express our hope that the time is not far distant, when all traces of Ireland's conquest by or subjection to Great Britain will be wiped out, either by her restoration to complete and entire national independence, or by her elevation to perfect equality, civil and political, with the English portion of the British empire. Which would be best, or which will be effected, we know not; but that one or the other ought to be, and must and will be, we entertain not a doubt.
But we leave the discussion, as foreign to the province of our Journal, in which we consider we are at liberty to discuss political matters, whether foreign or domestic, only so far as they have a bearing on Catholic faith, morals, and worship. But we cannot refrain from making a remark or two on the attitude Mr. O'Connell has assumed in regard to our own country. Men do and will estimate Mr. O'Connell differently, according to the different points of view from which they contemplate him ; nor is a man to be regarded as wanting in devotion to the interests of Ireland, even in case he cannot feel towards him as do the warm-hearted and enthusiastic Irish. We protest in advance against making the idolatrous worship of any man the test of one's devotion to the cause with which that man may be identified. For ourselves, as American citizens and patriots, we may have had our feelings wounded, our prejudices aroused, · and even our judgments warped by Mr. O'Connell's unprovoked attacks on our country ; for we are as sensitive to the interests, to the honor and glory of America, as Irishmen are to those of Ireland, and we are as quick to resent any attack upon them, come it from what quarter it may. But we regard
Mr. O'Connell as a wonderful man, and as a firm and devoted patriot. It is rather a Hibernianism, if we may be allowed the expression, to call him the “ Liberator,” for his countrymen are not yet liberated, and it is always too early to call any man the liberator of his country before his country is liberated ; but that O'Connell earnestly desires the liberation of Ireland, and that he is prepared to effect it even at the sacrifice of his life, we see no good reason for doubting. We should think not over and above well of the Irishinan whose heart did not honor O'Connell, and beat quicker at the mention of his name.
Nevertheless, we think Mr. O'Connell has, in his speeches, made remarks in regard to this country which are hard to justify or even palliate. We have strong reasons for believing that these remarks do not accord with his own private views and feelings, and that they are made mainly for the purpose of conciliating friends or silencing enemies in England and Scotland. Mr. O'Connell is better informed as to the state of things here than his public speeches would indicate. But he appears to judge it important for his success to conciliate, and, as far as possible, to enlist, the Abolitionists in Great Britain on his side, and to have it clearly and distinctly understood by the British government and people, that, however ardently he may desire Repeal, he is not prepared to carry it by courting or accepting any foreign alliance or sympathy. Thus he repelled the proffered sympathy of the French Liberals, and thus he has repelled, in some measure, the proffered sympathy of American citizens. Up to a certain point, this is a justifiable and even a necessary policy on his part. He is attempting, in his view of the case, a simple measure of domestic legislation, a legal measure to be carried by legal means, and by legal means only. It is, therefore, a matter in which the citizens or subjects of a foreign state have little right to interfere, and in which they cannot interfere without in some measure placing him in a false position, exciting the jealousies of the British government, wounding the national pride of the English people, and endangering, if not defeating, the success of his cause.
He would belie his assertion that Repeal is a question of inter• nal legislation, which nowise concerns foreign nations, and be
ill qualified to act as the chief of the Repeal movement, if he did not take particular care not to give offence to the British government and people by accepting the sympathy of foreigners; and we think here is a consideration which should have great weight with the Repealers in this country, especially with