of the single transferable vote. In this moiety some Bishops would find a place. The other moiety should, pending the creation of a Federal Legislature, contain some direct representatives of the Dominions, some representatives of Labour, elected perhaps by the Co-operative Congress, by the Trade Union Congress, and by the Free' Labour Council. Elected representatives of the Roman Catholic and the' Free' Churches should also be included; as well, perhaps, as representatives elected by the Councils of Counties and County Boroughs. The nominative element should be rigorously excluded, for experience, notably that of Canada and Italy, tends to prove that of all devices this is the one least calculated to produce the desired object-a Chamber at once efficient and independent. It may be argued that some infusion of the nominated element is necessary in order to prevent deadlocks between the two Houses. This is an important matter, but the object can be better attained in other ways: by a joint session; by a simultaneous dissolution of both Houses; or by a referendum.

These changes would probably have sufficed ten years ago; whether they would satisfy the country to-day is perhaps doubtful. During the last ten years the political situation has fundamentally changed; changed also is the temper of the multitude. No one who has not mingled with the working folk of Scotland or the North of England can have any conception of their set determination not to allow themselves to be 'bossed 'by the Lords' in future. It has been recently pointed out that it took the middle classes-nominally admitted to political supremacy in 1832-at least a generation before they could. make effective use of their power. It took the manual workers -admitted to the franchise in 1867-just thirty-nine years before they recognised the significance of the change, or were ready to take advantage of it. Down to 1688 or perhaps down to 1714 the English Constitution-despite certain checks and balances was pre-eminently monarchical. From that time until 1906 the actual government was vested, notwithstanding the changes effected in 1832, 1867, and 1884, in rival groups of men who belonged, with insignificant exceptions, to a small and select class. In fine, England was essentially an aristocracy. During the last ten years the balance of forces has once more undergone a profound readjustment. Whether that readjustment will contribute to the stability of the Common

wealth and to the contentment of the people it is much too soon to say.

For the moment it is obvious that the new wine of political supremacy has mounted to the heads of men who are unaccustomed to strong liquor, to whom the wisdom of the ages is the doddering imbecility of age. They have yet to learn, in the only school where they can be taught, the hard lessons of experience. The next thirty years may, therefore, prove to be the most critical in our history. No effort should be spared to give to this young Democracy all the assistance which can be derived from efficient political institutions. The vanity and folly of individuals may render of none effect the wisest and soundest Constitution in the world. No safeguards can ultimately save men from themselves. But that does not prove the inutility of all safeguards.

Among political safeguards a strong and efficient Second Chamber is without question one of the most important. The existing Second Chamber has been reduced to the verge of impotence. It has lost faith in itself. It can never in its present form be reinvested with sufficient authority and power to enable it to fulfil the functions appropriate to its position. 'The best constitution of a Second Chamber,' wrote Mill in 1861, is that which embodies the greatest number of elements exempt from the class interests and prejudices of the majority, but having in themselves nothing offensive to democratic 'feeling.'

To compass the creation of such a Chamber; to discover for it a basis which shall be at once intelligible and differentiating ; to secure to it the power of effective revision without the power of control; to render it amenable to permanent public sentiment and yet independent of transitory phases of opinion; to erect a bulwark against revolution without interposing a barrier to reform-this is one of the most vital and immediate, as it is one of the most perplexing, problems which to-day await solution at the hands of British statesmanship.

J. A. R. MARRIOTT.

No. 462 will be published in October.

The

Edinburgh Review

OCTOBER, 1917

No. 462

INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISM AND WAR

I. L'Internationale socialiste a vécu. Par OMER BOULANGER, conseiller Communal Belge. Paris: Ollendorf. 1915.

2. The Future of Democracy. By H. M. HYNDMAN. Allen and Unwin. 1915.

3. Socialism and the Social Movement. By WERNER SOMBART ; translated by M. EPSTEIN. Dent. 1909.

A

Red

MONG the bubbles pricked by the war is the 'International,' so called to distinguish it from the 'Black International,' the Church of Rome. The Red International was the instrument of international socialism, and it represented very large aims and lofty aspirations; but at the hard touch of reality it collapsed, revealing itself as a showy film devoid of solid contents. It may fairly be called a bubble without offence, for many of its most earnest supporters in different countries have said as much. The world at large, which had never taken it very seriously or paid much attention to it, witnessed the collapse without surprise and with little interest. But the Russian Revolution and subsequent efforts to promote peace on the basis of international socialism have brought the movement into the field of actual affairs and given it a new claim to public attention. Many who never gave international socialism a thought before are now regarding it All rights reserved,

VOL, 226. No, 462.