office; but they were no great loss; being (with one brilliant exception) chiefly persons who were destitute of the energy or popular qualities requisite for leadership. Despite their appointment to office, we had seen a powerful national league that grew daily in strength and intelligence; that had gained one signal victory over a hostile government, and was steadily advancing to fresh triumphs, if it could but escape being shattered into fragments by the miserable squabbles of its members. Repeal, thus far, had proved too mighty for its enemies. Was it fated to fall by the hands of its own friends? If there were mischief in place-seeking, that mischief would be infinitely aggravated by a public secession, and the consequent blow given to popular confidence. The anti-placemen, instead of withdrawing from the Association, should have continued to give us the benefit of their transcendent purity at the Repeal Council board. They should have remained in our body, were it only to guard the presumed weakness of their confrères by the presence of their own sturdy virtue. Convinced, therefore, that of all the evils that could befall our body, those of dissension and disruption were incomparably the worst, I readily determined on remaining faithful to the fortunes of the Repeal Association.

At that meeting, I was greatly struck with the

physical decay of O'Connell. I had not seen him in public for many months, and the change was painfully manifest. His intellect was as strong as ever, but his voice was extremely weak. How different were his faint and feeble accents from the stirring trumpet tones in which I had heard him, on the banks of the Boyne in 1840, rally the Repealers of Drogheda around him! I doubt if he could now be heard six yards off. I mentioned the failure of his voice to FitzPatrick, who replied, "He says he could make himself as audible as at any former period, if he pleased; but he purposely economises his vocal powers."

Thus did he cheat himself with the fond fancy that the decay induced by years and sorrow was a voluntary economy of his strength.

CHAPTER XVII.

Visit to Dublin-FitzPatrick's "Historical Picture"-His Account of the Clare Election of 1828-My last Interview with O'Connell-His Departure to England-His last Appearance in Parliament-His Sojourn at Hastings-Visit from Three Oxford Converts-FitzPatrick's Visit to O'Connell at Hastings-Departure from England-Reception of O'Connell on the Continent-Opinions of the French Physicians on O'Connell's Malady-His Appearance when at Lyons described-Transient Improvement of his Health at GenoaHis Relapse-His Death-Exhortation to Unity amongst his Followers.

I AGAIN visited Dublin in January, 1847.

During my short stay in town I breakfasted one morning with Mr. FitzPatrick. After breakfast he showed me a painting, admirably executed by Haverty, representing a scene in the office of the Dublin Evening Post, on the 24th June, 1828, where O'Connell penned his memorable address to the Electors of Clare. The figures in the picture are those of O'Connell, FitzPatrick, and Conway (the Editor of the Post). They are all excellent

likenesses. O'Connell is represented standing, and reading his address to his two friends, who are seated: he has just paused, and looks at his auditors with a triumphant glance incomparably characteristic, and which seems to say, “Well—what think you of that?" It is a wonderfully speaking portrait, and its merits as a likeness must forcibly strike all who have seen the original in the plenitude of mental and bodily vigour.

"Those were stirring days," said FitzPatrick, referring to the period commemorated by the picture; "days never to be forgotten! The details of that Clare Election movement, or rather of its origin, are not very generally known. It was on the 16th of June, 1828, that the Catholic Association, at the instigation of O'Connell, determined to oppose the re-election of Vesey FitzGerald for Clare; and Major Macnamara was then suggested as the proper candidate. On the 18th, O'Connell brought forward an address to the Liberal Club, the Fortyshilling Freeholders, and the Electors of Clare generally, repudiating Vesey FitzGerald. At an early hour on the morning of Sunday the 22nd, Sir David Roose, who had been High Sheriff of Dublin, and who, although a Tory in politics, had especial reasons for accommodating himself to O'Connell's views wherever the latter was personally concerned,

suggested to me the idea that O'Connell himself should stand for Clare. Roose was unquestionably the person who first thought of this movement, so pregnant with momentous results; and I," continued FitzPatrick, " was the first person to whom he communicated his idea. The hint did not fall upon barren soil. It happened by a curious coincidence that when I was about twenty years of age, I had been, in company with my father, a constant visitor at the house of old John Keogh, our cidevant leader, and the foremost man in the modified Catholic agitation of that time. Keogh, whose sagacity was remarkable, made it, on each of those occasions, a point to impress upon me that Catholic Emancipation would not probably be attained until a Catholic should be returned to Parliament for a borough. The success of a Papist in a county could not then be dreamt of. Keogh's expressions on the subject were usually to the effect that John Bull was very dull of comprehension, and that his religious prejudices were proportionate to his stolidity; that he was thus led to consider that Catholic Emancipation. implied the power of burning of him in Smithfield: That, notwithstanding all this, John Bull was exceedingly jealous as to constitutional right; and if a Catholic could be elected for some such borough as Drogheda, and was then denied the right to take