And in another despatch, in July, he said,

"The Principal Secretary of State of Her Britannic Majesty will dispense us from giving an answer to the proposed arrangement for a suspension of hostilities. It would not resist a serious examination of the conditions necessary for carrying it into effect. If it were to be defined between whom it was to be negotiated, of what nature the status quo was to be which it would guarantee, and who was to watch over its execution, it would readily be perceived that the provisions of public law could not be applied to a situation which would be a flagrant violation of such law. His Majesty the Emperor owes to his faithful army which struggles for the maintenance of order, to the peaceable majority of Poles who suffer from these deplorable agitations, and to Russia, on whom they impose painful sacrifices, to take energetic measures to terminate them. Desirable as it may be speedily to place a term to the effusion of blood, this object can only be attained by the insurgents throwing down their arms and surrendering themselves to the clemency of the Emperor. Every other arrangement would be incompatible with the dignity of our august Master, and with the sentiments of the Russian nation.

"It would, besides, have a result diametrically opposed to the one recommended by Lord Russell.

"As to the idea of a Conference of the eight Powers who signed the Treaty of Vienna, which should discuss the six points adopted as bases, it presents to us serious inconveniences, without our being able to see in it any advantage.

"In any case, the re-establishment of order is an indispensable condition which must precede any serious application of the measures destined for the pacification of the kingdom.

"This condition depends greatly upon the resolution of the Great Powers not to lend themselves to calculations which the instigators of the Polish insurrection found on or expect from an active intervention in favour of their exaggerated aspirations.

"Clear and categorical language on the part of those Powers would contribute to dissipate these illusions, and to thwart these calculations which tend to prolong the disorder and excitement of public opinion."

Writing at a later period (Sept. 7) to Baron de Budberg, in Paris, the Prince said,

"The French Government is desirous of seeing a state of affairs established in Poland which would give tranquillity to the country, quiet to Europe, and security to the relations between the Cabinets.

"We heartily share that desire, and will do every thing in our power to realize it.

"Our august Master remains animated with the most benevolent intentions towards Poland, and with the most conciliatory ones towards the foreign Powers.

"The welfare of all his subjects, of every race, and of every

U

religious confession, is an obligation which His Imperial Majesty has accepted towards God, his conscience, and his people. The Emperor devotes all his solicitude to fulfil it.

"As regards the responsibility which His Majesty may assume in his international relations, those relations are regulated by international law. The violation of those fundamental principles may alone lead to a responsibility. Our august Master has always respected and observed these principles towards other States. His Majesty has the right to expect and to demand the same respect on the part of the other Powers."

There can be no doubt that the hope of material help from France and England upheld the Poles in their unequal contest, and if neither of those Powers was prepared to draw the sword in their behalf, it became absolutely necessary in the interests of humanity, and to stop the useless effusion of blood, to make their resolution distinctly known. Russia courteously, but firmly, rejected the Six Points submitted to her by Earl Russell, and as neither England nor France intended to go to war with her on account of Poland, they were obliged to put up, as best they might, with the signal rebuff their diplomacy received. In a despatch addressed by Earl Russell to Lord Napier, at St. Petersburg, on the 11th of August, he said :—

"Great Britain, Austria, and France have pointed out the urgent necessity of putting an end to a deplorable state of things which is full of danger to Europe. They have at the same time indicated the means which, in their opinion, ought to be employed to arrive at this termination, and they have offered their cooperation in order to attain it with more certainty.

"If Russia does not perform all that depends upon her to further the moderate and conciliatory views of the three Powers

if she does not enter upon the path which is opened to her by friendly counsels, she makes herself responsible for the serious consequences which the prolongation of the troubles of Poland may produce."

And almost identically the same language was used by the French Government.

An

The feeling in Russia against the insurrection was very strong, and perhaps at no period was greater unanimity expressed by all classes as to their determination to support the Throne. address to the Czar was voted by the nobility of St. Petersburg, in which they said :

"Sire,-The nobility of St. Petersburg, animated with a spirit of devotedness to the throne and country, consider it a duty to express their sentiments to your Majesty. The pretensions raised abroad by the Polish agitators on the possessions of the Russian Empire fill us with grief and displeasure. Our detractors suppose that the reforms commenced by you for the utility and welfare of the Empire will facilitate their desire to dismember the Empire, but their attempts will prove vain. As a proof of devotedness and

abnegation, the Russian nobility, without hesitating at any fresh sacrifices, will defend unflinchingly the integrity of the Empire. Let our enemies learn that the powerful spirit of our ancestors, which founded the unity of our well-beloved country, is not extinct among us."

And in an address from the municipality of St. Petersburg they stated:

"We, the citizens of St. Petersburg, feel convinced that any attempt against the integrity of the Empire is an attack upon the existence of Russia, where the sentiment of national honour and attachment to its Sovereign is more lively than ever.

"We do not reply to our enemies by hatred and a thirst for vengeance; but, if it should please Providence to put Russia to the proof, we shall not recoil from any sacrifice; we will raise the standard for the Czar and for our country, and will march wherever your sovereign will may think fit to lead us."

General Berg was appointed military commander of Warsaw, and on the 19th of September a desperate attempt was made to assassinate him. He was driving through the Cracow suburbs, and had just reached a large building, which formed part of the Zamoyski Palace, when shots were fired, and some bombs were thrown (whether from the building or not is uncertain, for the Russian and Polish accounts are at direct variance on this point), and they burst in front of his carriage without injuring any one. The proprietor of the Zamoyski Palace (which contained, besides rich furniture, some invaluable manuscripts relative to the early history of Poland) was at the time absent, and resident in Paris. But this did not save his property from destruction. Russian troops were ordered to surround the palace, and every thing which they could lay their hands upon was thrown out of the windows and committed to the flames. Both it and the adjoining building were then confiscated and turned into military barracks. Nothing however was discovered to implicate any one either in or connected with the palace; and the Poles assert that the bombs were thrown, not from the building, but from the opposite side of the street.

The Grand Duke Constantine applied to be relieved from the Government of Poland, on the plea of ill-health, and in October the Emperor addressed a letter to him acceding to his request, and said :

"The Polish people have not wished to comprehend and appreciate the significance of the nomination of your Imperial Highness to the post of my lieutenant. In revolting in contempt of all its oaths, in surrendering itself to criminal plots, it has shown itself unworthy of the pledge which I had given to it of my benevolent intentions in the person of my beloved brother.

"Recognizing the justice of your appreciations respecting the impossibility, in the actual circumstances, of following the way by

which I sought to secure the pacification of the country when I sent you to it last year, I consent to relieve you, in accordance with your wish, of the functions of my lieutenant and of commander-in-chief in the Kingdom of Poland. But when, with the aid of God, the revolt shall be subdued, and, rendered accessible to the voice of duty and of legality, my subjects of the kingdom shall free themselves from the violence exercised by the declared abettors of treason, and shall have recourse to my clemency; when the re-establishment of order shall permit the resumption of the work which you commenced; when circumstances shall render possible the application of institutions, the practical working of which is one of my strongest and sincerest desires; it pleases me to think that then you will be able again to take part in the execution of my views and consecrate yourself to the welfare of the country with the zeal and abnegation of which the incessant and incontestable evidences are as precious to my heart as my confidence, my friendship, and my fraternal affection towards you are unlimited."

We close our narrative of this year's struggle, in which Poland, left to its fate by the Great Powers, kept up to the close of it an unequal but desperate resistance, with an extract from an order issued by the Russian Commander in the district of Konin. It will show the kind of measures by which Russia hoped to be able to stamp out the flame of insurrection.

"At the approach of winter the forests can no longer serve as a refuge for the rebels, and the latter conceal themselves in towns and villages, where they are sheltered by the inhabitants. Consequently every inhabitant who shall not inform the military authorities of the presence of a rebel in his dwelling shall be tried by court-martial, and punished as if he were a rebel. A fine shall, moreover, be levied on the inhabitants of such towns or villages. Tailors, shoemakers, and such tradesmen are forbidden to keep ready-made clothes in their houses. Should such articles be found in their possession, they shall be severely punished. Mayors of towns or villages are expressly forbidden to supply rebels with carts or horses. Any body violating this order shall be tried by court-martial, and a fine shall be levied on the inhabitants."

CHAPTER V.

GREECE-MEXICO-JAPAN-NEW ZEALAND.

GREECE.-Memorandum of the British Government relative to the Cession of the Ionian Islands-Joy of the Inhabitants of Corfu-Protocol of London-The Ionian Parliament dissolved and a new one summoned-Prince George of Denmark elected King of Greece-His reception of the Deputation at Copenhagen-Cession of the Ionian Islands to Greece-Treaty on the subject.

MEXICO. Letter from the French Emperor to General Forey on the subject of Mexico Puebla captured by the French-Letter from the Emperor-Entry of General Forey into the city of Mexico-His Proclamation-The Assembly of Notables declare Mexico an Empire, and proclaim Archduke Maximilian of Austria Emperor-His reply to the Mexican Deputation.

JAPAN.-Demand for satisfaction for the Murder of Mr. Richardson-The British fleet enters Kagosima harbour-Refusal of our Demands-The Japanese open fire -Town of Kagosima bombarded-Submission of the Japanese.

NEW ZEALAND.-Outbreak of War with the Natives.

GREECE.

WE mentioned in our last volume the readiness of the British Government to consent to a cession of the Ionian Islands to Greece.

Accordingly, at the end of December, 1862, the following "Memorandum " was delivered to the President of the Provisional Government of Greece by the Hon. Henry Elliot :

"It is Her Majesty's earnest desire to contribute to the welfare and prosperity of Greece.

"The treaties of 1827 and 1832 bear evidence of this desire on the part of the British Crown.

"The Provisional Government of Greece declared, upon the withdrawal of King Otho from Greece, that their mission is to maintain for Greece constitutional monarchy, and the relations of peace with all other States.

"If the new Assembly of the representatives of the Greek nation should prove faithful to this declaration, should maintain constitutional monarchy, and should refrain from all aggression against neighbouring States, and if they should choose a Sovereign against whom no well-founded objection could be raised, Her Majesty would see in this course of conduct a promise of future freedom and happiness for Grecce. In such a case, Her Majesty, with a