in the Gulf of Mexico. He will thus be prepared to act with vigor and promptitude the moment that Congress shall give him authority." p. 45.

On the first of March, Mr Slidell writes to Senor Castillo y Lanzas, successor of Peña y Peña, and says,

"The President is unwilling to take a course which would inevitably result in war [!] without making another effort to avert so great a calamity. He wishes, by exhausting every honorable means of conciliation, to demonstrate to the civilized world, that if its peace shall be disturbed, the responsibility must fall on Mexico alone. He is sincerely desirous to preserve that peace; but the state of quasi hostility which now exists on the part of Mexico [by her declining to receive Mr. Slidell]] is one which is incompatible with the dignity and interests of the United States; and it is for the Mexican government to decide whether it shall give place to friendly negotiation, or lead to an open rupture.” p. 54.

To this, Senor Castillo y Lanzas replied, on the 12th,

"That the Mexican government cannot receive him [Mr. Slidell] as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to reside near it. . . . It is true, that the warlike display with which the American Union presents herself- by sea, with her squadrons on both coasts; by land, with her invading forces advancing by the northern frontiers; [where the President had ordered them two months before, without waiting till Congress gave him authority,] at the same time that by her minister plenipotentiary propositions are made for conciliation and accommodation would be a sufficiently powerful reason for not listening to them, so long as all threatening shall not be withdrawn, even to the slightest appearance of hostility. But even this is waived by the government of the republic, in order that it may in all frankness and loyalty enter into the discussion, relying solely upon reason and facts. . . . The vehement desire of the government of the United States to extend its already immense territory at the expense of that of Mexico, has been manifest for many years; and it is beyond all doubt that, in regard to Texas at least, this has been their firm and constant determination; for it has been so declared categorically and officially by an authorized representative of the Union, whose assertion, strange and injurious as was its frankness, has nevertheless not been belied by the United States.*

*Even Mr. Van Buren, writing to Mr. Hammett, said, (April 20th, 1844,) Nothing is either more true or more extensively known, than that Texas was wrested from Mexico, and her independence established through the instrumentality of citizens of the United States."

"Considering the time as having come for carrying into effect the annexation of Texas, the United States, in union and by agreement with their natural allies and adherents in that territory, enacted the means for the purpose. The project was introduced into the American Congress. It was, at first, frustrated, thanks to the prudential consideration, the circumspection, and the wisdom, with which the Senate of the United States then proceeded. Nevertheless, the project was reproduced in the following session, and was then approved and sauctioned in the form and terms known to the whole world.

"A fact such as this, or to speak with greater exactness, so notable an act of usurpation, created an imperious necessity that Mexico... should repel it with proper firmness and dignity. The supreme government had beforehand declared that it would look upon such an act as a casus belli; and as a consequence of this declaration, negotiation was by its very nature at an end, and war was the only recourse of the Mexican government.

"But before it proceeded to recover its outraged rights, propositions were addressed to it from the so called President of Texas, which had for their object to enter into an amicable accommodation upon the basis of her independence; and the government agreed to hear them, and consented to name the commissioners who, with this view, were sent to it from Texas.

"Moments so precious were not thrown away by the agents of the United States in Texas. Availing themselves of the statu quo of Mexico, they so prepared matters and directed affairs, that the already enacted annexation to the American Union should follow almost immediately.*

"Thus this incorporation of a territory which had constituted an integral part of that of Mexico during the long period of the Spanish dominion, and after her emancipation, for so long a time, without any interruption whatever, and which measure had been recognized and sanctioned by the treaty of limits between the Mexican republic and the United States of America -was effected by the reprobated means of violence and fraud.

"Civilized nations have beheld with amazement, at this enlightened and refined epoch, a powerful and well consolidated State, availing itself of the internal dissensions of a neighbouring nation, putting its vigilance to sleep by protestations of friendship, setting in action all manner of springs and artifices, alternately plying intrigue and violence, and seizing a moment to despoil her of a precious part of her territory, regardless of the

The recent letter of Mr. Tyler in the Washington (weekly) Union, of Aug. 12th, is a good commentary on this part of the letter.

incontrovertible rights of the most unquestionable ownership and the most uninterrupted possession.

"Here, then, is the true position of the Mexican republic; despoiled, outraged, contemned, it is now attempted to subject her to a humiliating degradation." - pp. 57-59.

"It is manifest that it was the firm intention of the Mexican government to admit only a plenipotentiary from the United States clothed with powers ad hoc - that is to say, special powers to treat upon the question of Texas, and upon this alone, as preliminary to the renewal of friendly relations between the two countries, if the result should be such as to admit of their restoration, and then, but not before, of an envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary near the same government.

"Nor could the government of the republic on that occasion extend its engagement beyond this; for to admit any person sent by the United States in the character simply of the ordinary agents between friendly nations, whilst the grave question of Texas was still pending, . . . would be equivalent to an acknowledgment that the question was at an end, thus prejudging it without even touching it, and to a recognition that the relations of friendship and harmony between the two nations, were from that moment in fact reëstablished.

"In the actual state of things, to say that Mexico maintains a position of quasi hostility with respect to the United States, is to add a new offence to her previous injuries. Her attitude is one of defence, because she has herself been unjustly attacked; because a portion of her territory is occupied by the forces of a nation, intent, without any right whatever, to possess itself of it; because her ports are threatened by the squadrons of the same power.

"It is then not upon Mexico, seeing her present state, that it devolves to decide if the issue shall be a friendly negotiation or an open rupture. It is long since her interests have made this necessary, and her dignity has demanded it; but in the hope of an accommodation at once honorable and specific, she has silenced the claims of those imperious exigencies.

"It follows, that if war should finally become inevitable, and if in consequence of this war, the peace of the civilized world should be disturbed, the responsibility will not fall upon Mexico. It will all rest upon the United States; to them will the whole of it belong. Not upon Mexico, who, with a generosity unequalled, admitted the American citizens who wished to colonize in Texas, but upon the United States, who, bent upon possessing themselves, early or late, of that territory, encouraged emigration thither with that view, in order that in due time, its inhabitants, converting themselves from colonists into its masters, should claim the country as their own, for the purpose of transferring it to the United

States; not upon Mexico, who, having in due season protested against so enormous a transgression, wished to remove all cause for controversy and hostilities, but upon the United States, who, to the scandal of the world, and in violation of treaties, gave protection and aid to those guilty of a violation so iniquitous. Not upon Mexico, who, in the midst even of injuries so great and so repeated, has shown herself disposed to admit propositions for conciliation, but upon the United States, who, pretending sincerely to desire a friendly and honorable accommodation, have belied by their acts the sincerity of their words. Finally, not upon Mexico, who, putting out of view her ever dearest interests, through her desire for peace, has entertained as long as was wished the propositions which, with this view, might be made to her, but upon the United States, who, by frivolous pretexts, made the conclusion of such an arrangement, proposing peace at the very moment when they are causing their squadrons and their troops to advance upon the ports and frontiers of Mexico, exacting a humiliation impossible to be submitted to, in order to find a pretext, if no reason can be found, which may occasion the breaking out of hostilities."

"It is therefore upon the United States, and not upon Mexico, that it devolves to determine in the alternative presented by Mr. Slidell—that is, between a friendly negotiation and an open rupture." - pp. 59-61.

Mr. Slidell, who all along had given so many indications of ignorance and folly-wrote such a letter as might have been looked for, demanded his passports, and returned home.

Attempts had been made to throw the responsibility and the odium of war upon Mexico, but Mexico would not take the initiative and declare war, nor commence an invasion without declaring it. What was to be done; shall the President ask Congress to declare war? The success of that would be hopeless. Shall he himself take the responsibility, and commence hostilities without the advice of Congress? There were yet other tricks to be tried — which were parallel in time with Mr. Slidell's mission to Mexico. We shall expose this matter by some quotations from the correspondence between the War Department and General Taylor. It is contained in the same document (No. 196) with the letters of Mr. Slidell. July 8th, 1845, Mr. Marcy-then Secretary of War-thus wrote to General Taylor:

"Mexico has some military establishments on the east side of the Rio Grande, which are . . . in the actual occupancy of her

troops. The Mexican forces at the posts in their possession . . will not be disturbed so long as the relations of peace continue."

July 30th, he adds,

"The Rio Grande is claimed to be the boundary, . . . and up to this you are to extend your position, only excepting any posts on the eastern side thereof, which are in the actual occupancy of Mexican forces, or Mexican settlements over which Texas did not exercise jurisdiction at the period of annexation, or shortly before that event. It is expected that .. you will approach as near the boundary line. the Rio Grande – as prudence will dictate. The President desires that your position should be near the river Nueces." - pp. 70, 71.

Let

Here a snare is laid for the American general. He is to take the initiative and bear the responsibility, if Mexico will not. He is to decide what places were in the possession of Texas at the time of annexation, "or shortly before it." it be remarked, besides, that Texas exercised no more jurisdiction on the Rio Grande than she did on the Danube. Should General Taylor advance, should Mexico regard herself invaded, and Congress refuse to sanction that invasion- the President can say: General Taylor exceeded his instructions, went nearer than "prudence will dictate," entered places over which Texas did not "exercise any jurisdiction."

Again, Aug. 23d, Mr. Marcy writes,

...

"There is reason to believe that Mexico is making efforts to assemble a large army on the frontier of Texas, for the purpose of entering its territory. . . . Should Mexico assemble a large body of troops on the Rio Grande, and cross it with a considerable force, such a moment must be regarded as an invasion of the United States and the commencement of hostilities."— p. 72.

And again, in the letter of Aug. 30th, p. 76, he is authorized, in case of need, to call for volunteers from Texas, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. - pp. 74, 75, et al. Here is the same trick repeated:—what is a large body of troops; what a considerable force?

General Taylor took position at Corpus Christi, "the most western point in the possession of Texas," as Mr. Donelson has often told us, though the General says, "I would have preferred a position on the left bank of the river." He could