duty are often hid from its own consciousness, and even obscured to that of the philosophic looker on. These subordinate peculiarities will depend first on the peculiar Genius, Idea, and Work of the nation, and next on the Transient Circumstances

geographical, climactic, historical, and secular- to which the nation has been exposed. The past helped form the circumstances of the present age, and they the character of the men now living. Thus new modifications of the national type continually take place; new variations are played, but on the same old strings and of the same old tune. Once circumstances made the Hebrews entirely agricultural, now as completely commercial; but the same Trust in God, the same National Exclusiveness appear, as of old. As one looks at the history of the Ionians, Romans, Saxons, he sees Unity of National Character, a Continuity of Idea and of Work; but it appears in the midst of Variety, for while these remained ever the same to complete the economy of the world, subordinate qualities sentiments, ideas, actions-changed to suit the passing hour. The nation's course was laid towards a certain point, but they stood to the right hand or the left, they sailed with much canvas or little, and swift or slow, as the winds and waves compelled;-nay, sometimes the national ship "heaves to," and lies with her "head to the wind," regardless of her destination; but when the storm is overblown resumes her course. Men will carelessly think the ship has no certain aim, but only drifts.

This

The most marked characteristic of the American nation is LOVE OF FREEDOM; OF MAN'S NATURAL RIGHTS. This is so plain to a student of American History, or of American Politics, that the point requires no arguing. We have a Genius for Liberty: the American idea is Freedom, Natural Rights. Accordingly, the work providentially laid out for us to do seems this: TO ORGANIZE THE RIGHTS OF MAN. is a problem hitherto unattempted on a national scale, in human history. Often enough attempts have been made to organize the Powers of Priests, Kings, Nobles, in a Theocracy, Monarchy, Oligarchy-powers which had no foundation in human Duties, or human Rights, but solely in the selfishness of strong men. Often enough have the Mights of Men been organized, but not the Rights of Man. Surely there has never been an attempt made on a national scale to organize the Rights of Man as Man, Rights resting on the nature of

things; Rights derived from no conventional compact of men with men; not inherited from past generations, nor received from Parliaments and Kings, or secured by their parchments, -but Rights that are derived straightway from God, - the Author of Duty and the Source of Right, and which are secured in the Great Charter of our Being.

At first view it will be said, the peculiar genius of America is not such, nor such her fundamental idea, nor that her destined work. It is true that much of the national conduct seems exceptional when measured by that standard, and the nation's course as crooked as the Rio Grande; it is true that America sometimes seems to spurn Liberty, and sells the freedom of three million men for less than three million annual bales of cotton;- true, she often tramples, knowingly, consciously tramples, on the most unquestionable and sacred Rights. Yet, when one looks through the whole character and history of America-spite of the exceptions, nothing comes out with such relief as this Love of Freedom, this Idea of Liberty, this attempt to organize Right. There are numerous subordinate qualities which conflict with the nation's Idea and work, coming from our circumstances, not our soul, as well as many others which help the nation perform her providential work. They are Signs of the Times, and it is important to look carefully at the most prominent among them, where, indeed, one finds striking contradictions.

The first is an Impatience of Authority. Every thing must render its reason, and show cause for its being. We will not be commanded, at least only by such as we choose to obey. Does some one say, "Thou shalt," or "Thou shalt not," we ask, "Who are you?" Hence comes a seeming irreverence. The shovel hat, the symbol of authority,which awed our fathers, is not respected unless it covers a man, and then it is the man we honor, and no longer the shovel hat. "I will complain of you to the government!" said a Prussian nobleman to a Yankee stage-driver, who uncivilly threw the nobleman's trunk to the top of the coach. "Tell the government to go to the Devil!" was the symbolical reply.

Old precedents will not suffice us, for we want something anterior to all precedents; we go beyond what is written, asking the cause of the precedent, and the reason of the writing. "Our fathers did so," says some one. "What of

that?" say we. "Our fathers- they were giants, were they? Not at all, only great boys, and we are not only taller than they, but mounted on their shoulders to boot, and see twice as far. My dear wise man, or wiseacre, it is WE that are the ancients, and have forgotten more than all our fathers knew. We will take their wisdom joyfully, and thank God for it, but not their authority, we know better,—and of their nonsense not a word. It was very well that they lived, and it is very well that they are dead. Let them keep decently buried, for respectable dead men never walk."

Tradition does not satisfy us. The American scholar has no folios in his library. The antiquary unrolls his codex, hid for eighteen hundred years in the ashes of Herculaneum, deciphers its fossil wisdom, telling us what great men thought in the bay of Naples, and two thousand years ago. "What do you tell of that for?" is the answer to his learning. "What has Pythagoras to do with the price of cotton? You may be a very learned man; you can read the hieroglyphics of Egypt, I dare say, and know so much about the Pharaohs, it is a pity you had not lived in their time, when you might have been good for something; but you are too old-fashioned for our business, and may return to your dust." An eminent American, a student of Egyptian history, with a scholarly indignation declared, "There is not a man who cares to know whether Shoophoo lived one thousand years before Christ, or three."

The example of other and ancient states does not terrify or instruct us. If Slavery were a curse to Athens, the corruption of Corinth, the undoing of Rome, and all history shows it was so, we will learn no lesson from that experience, for we say, "We are not Athenians, men of Corinth, nor pagan Romans, thank God, but free Republicans, Christians of America. We live in the nineteenth century, and though Slavery worked all that mischief then and there, we know how to make money out of it-twelve hundred millions of dollars, as Mr. Clay counts the cash."

The example of contemporary nations furnishes us little warning or guidance. We will set our own precedents, and do not like to be told that the Prussians or the Dutch have learned some things in the education of the people before us, which we shall do well to learn after them. So when a good man tells us of their schools and their colleges, "patriotic schoolmasters exclaim, "It is not true; our schools are the

best in the world! But if it were true, it is unpatriotic to say so; it aids and comforts the enemy." Jonathan knows little of war; he has heard his grandfather talk of Lexington and Saratoga; he thinks he should like to have a little touch of battle on his own account: so when there is difficulty in setting up the fence betwixt his estate and his neighbours, he blusters for a while, talks big, and threatens to strike his father; but, not having quite the stomach for that experiment, falls to beating his other neighbour, who happens to be poor, weak, and of a sickly constitution; and when he beats her at every step,―

"For 't is no war, as each one knows,
When only one side deals the blows,
And t' other bears 'em,"-

Jonathan thinks he has covered himself "with imperishable honors," and sets up his general for a great king. Poor Jonathan - he does not know the misery, the tears, the blood, the shame, the wickedness, and the sin he has set a-going, and which one day he is to account for with God who forgets nothing!

Yet while we are so unwilling to accept the good principles, to be warned by the fate, or guided by the success, of other nations, we gladly and servilely copy their faults, their follies, their vice and sin. Like all upstarts, we pique ourselves on our imitation of aristocratic ways. How many a blusterer in Congress, for there are two denominations of blusterers, differing only in degree, your great blusterer in Congress and your little blusterer in a bar-room, has roared away hours long against aristocratic influence, in favor of the "pure democracy," while he played the oligarch in his native village, the tyrant over his hired help, and though no man knows who his grandfather was, spite of the herald's office, conjures up some trumpery coat of arms! Like a clown, who, by pinching his appetite, has bought a gaudy cloak for Sabbath wearing, we chuckle inwardly at our brave apery of foreign absurdities, hoping that strangers will be astonished at us which, sure enough, comes to pass. Jonathan is as vain as he is conceited, and expects that the Fiddlers, the Dickenses, and the Trollopes, who visit us periodically as the swallows, and likewise for what they can catch, shall only extol, or at least stand aghast at the brave spectacle we offer, of "the freest and most enlightened nation in the world"; and if they tell us that we are an ill-mannered set, raw and clownish, that we

pick our teeth with a fork, loll back in our chairs, and make our countenance hateful with tobacco, and that with all our excellences we are a nation of "rowdies," why, we are offended, and our feelings are hurt. There was an African chief, long ago, who ruled over a few miserable cabins, and one day received a French traveller from Paris, under a tree. With the exception of a pair of shoes, our chief was as naked as a pestle, but with great complacency he asked the traveller, "What do they say of me at Paris?"

Such is our dread of authority that we like not old things; hence we are always a-changing. Our house must be new, and our book, and even our church. So we choose a material that soon wears out, though it often outlasts our patience. The wooden house is an apt emblem of this sign of the times. But this love of change appears not less in important matters. We think "of old things all are over old, of new things none are new enough." So the age asks of all institutions their right to be; What right has the government to existence; who gave the majority a right to control the minority, to restrict trade, levy taxes, make laws, and all that? If the nation goes into committee of the whole and makes laws, some little man goes into a committee of one and passes his counter resolves. The state of South Carolina is a nice example of this selfreliance and this questioning of all authority. That little brazen state, which contains only about half so many free white inhabitants as the single city of New York, but which none the less claims to have monopolized most of the chivalry of the nation, and its patriotism, as well as political wisdom — that chivalrous little state says, "If the nation does not make laws to suit us; if it does not allow us to imprison all black seamen from the North; if it prevents the extension of Slavery wherever we wish to carry it then the state of South Carolina will nullify, and leave the other nine and twenty states to go to ruin!

Men ask what right have the churches to the shadow of authority which clings to them to make creeds, and to bind and to loose! So it is a thing which has happened, that when a church excommunicates a young stripling for heresy, he turns round, fulminates his edict, and excommunicates the church. Said a sly Jesuit to an American Protestant at Rome, "But the rites and customs and doctrines of the Catholic church go back to the second century, the age after the apostles!" "No doubt of it," said the American,