influence on the maritime laws of Europe and America, and first got printed during this reign, certainly required some notice, even in a brief sketch of the intellectual history of that reign. In all Catholic countries the study of the Canon Law is of great importance, but during the fifteenth century, though more than forty editions thereof got printed in other parts of Europe, we do not find one in Spain.

In Science, including the Mathematics and all departments of Physics, the Spanish did little. Yet circumstances were uncommonly favorable: the conquest of Granada put them in possession of the libraries of the Moors, which were destined. only to the flames; under the guidance of Columbus, they discovered new lands and had ample opportunities to study the Geography, Zoology, and Botany of countries so inviting to the naturalist. But nothing was done. It is true, Andres, with his national prejudices, undertakes to mention some names that are illustrious in Medicine- but Piquer and Lampillas, Monardes, Cristoforo da Costa, Laguna," the Spanish Galen," and the rest that he mentions, may be celebrated throughout all Spain and even in La Mancha: we think they are but little known elsewhere. In the departments of Geography and Astronomy the Spanish accomplished nothing worthy of mention.

In Metaphysics and Ethics there are no Spanish names before the sixteenth century-few even then; Scholastic Philosophy, which once prevailed so widely in the West of Europe, seems not to have found a footing in the Peninsula. In the tenth century Gerbert went to Spain to learn Philosophy of the Arabs; in the eleventh, Constantinus Africanus communicated its doctrines to the world; in the twelfth and thirteenth, Athelhard of Bath, called Athelhard the Goth, Gherard, Otho of Frisingen, Michael Scott, and others, filled Europe with translations of Arabian authors. But Spain did nothing.

In Theology the Spaniards have but one work to show of any note, which dates from the period in question. The Complutensian Polyglot was a great work; but to achieve that nothing was needed but great wealth and the labors of a few learned and diligent men. The wealth was abundant, and flowed at the Cardinal's command; the treasures of the Vatican and of all the libraries of Europe were freely offered; the manuscripts of the Jews in Spain were at Ximenes' command; the services of accomplished scholars could easily be

bought. Learned Greeks there were in the South of Europe, seeking for bread. Of the nine men who were engaged in this undertaking, one was a Greek and three were Jews- of course converted Jews. Artists came from Germany to cast the types for the printing. Mr. Prescott exaggerates the difficulty of the undertaking: the scholars could be had, the manuscripts borrowed or bought; indeed, so poorly was the matter conducted, that some manuscripts, purchased at great cost, came too late for use. Mr. Prescott says, "There were no types in Spain, if indeed in any part of Europe, in the Oriental character," but only three alphabets were needed in the Polyglot- the Roman, the Greek, and the Hebrew. The two first were common enough, even in Spain; and in various parts of Europe, before the end of the fifteenth century, no less than thirty-nine editions had been printed of the whole or a part of the Hebrew Bible. The Complutensian Polyglot is indeed a valuable work, but at this day few men will contend that in the Old Testament it has a text better than the edition at Soncino, or that the Complutensian New Testament is better than that of Erasmus. Indeed, we hazard nothing in saying that Erasmus, a single scholar and a private man, often in want of money, did more to promote the study of the Scriptures and the revival of letters than Cardinal Ximenes and all Spain put together, and never burnt up a library of manuscripts because they were not orthodox.

All these matters, except the Polyglot, Mr. Prescott passes over with few words, in his sketch of the mental progress of Spain in her golden age. While France, Germany, Italy, and England made rapid strides in their mental progress, Spain did little little in Law, little in Science, in Theology little. But Mr. Prescott writes in a pleasing style about another portion of the Literature of Spain, which is, after all, her most characteristic production in letters-her Ballads and the Drama. The Redondilla is the most distinctive production of the Spanish muse. The Ballads of Spain are unlike those of England, of Scotland, and of Germany, in many respects, yet bear the same relation to the genius of the people. They grew up in the wild soil of the Peninsula; no royal or ecclesiastical hand was needed to foster them. Beautiful they the wild flowers of the field, but under the eye of Isabella they began to droop and wither; no new plants came up so fair and fragrant as the old. Why not? The life of the people was trodden down by the hoof of the Priest

are,

whom Isabella had sent to his work. The language was rude, says Mr. Prescott. That hindered not; Burns found a rude speech in Auld Scotland, but the verses he sung in "hamely westlin jingle" will live longer than the well filed lines of Pope. Rudeness of language hindered not the genius of Chaucer, of Hans Sachs. Mr. Prescott had small space to note the alteration of laws, the change of social systems, or the progress of civilization in Spain, but he has some twenty pages to bestow upon the Drama, and gives us an analysis of the "Tragicomedy of Celestina, or Calisto and Melibea," spending four pages upon such a work. A philosophical reader would consent to spare all mention of Encina, Naharro, Oliva, Cota, and even Fernando de Roxas, if in the place which they but cumber there had been an account of the real thought, manners, and life of the nation. Far be it from us to complain of the time and space allotted to the popular literature of Spain, the chapters are the best of the work; but one familiar with that delightful growth laments that the historian made no better use of his materials to indicate the life, character, and sentiments of the people.

Mr. Prescott overrates the excellence of Queen Isabella. The character of Ferdinand was so atrocious that it admits of no defence. Shall it be said the age was distinguished for fraud, double-dealing, perfidy, and hypocrisy? It affords no good defence, for it was in these very qualities that Ferdinand surpassed his age. He was a tyrannical king; a treacherous ally; a master whom no servant could trust; a faithless husband in the life of Queen Isabella, and false to her memory after her death. Few will deny that he had some ability and some knowledge of kingcraft, though we think his powers and political foresight have been somewhat overrated. The great men of the realm he used as his servants, but when they acquired renown he endeavoured to ruin them; cast them off neglected and covered with dishonor. His treatment of Columbus, Gonsalvo, or of Ximenes, would have been a disgrace to any prince in Christendom. He was no friend to the nobility, and quite as little the friend of his people; he did not favor commerce or the arts; no, nor letters and science. His zeal for religion appears chiefly in the expulsion of the Moors and the Jews. Isabella had some natural repugnance to the establishment of slavery in America, but Ferdinand had none. Mr. Prescott, who is not blind to his faults, says truly," His

was the spirit of egotism. The circle of his views might be more or less expanded, but self was the steady, unchangeable centre."

Mr. Prescott censures Ferdinand, but it seems to us for the purpose of making a contrast with Isabella, quite as much as in reference to the unchangeable laws of morality; the effects of his character on the institutions of his country and the welfare of his people he does not point out in a manner worthy of an historian. Let us turn to Isabella. "Her character," he says, "was all magnanimity, disinterestedness, and deep devotion to the interest of the people." (Vol. III., p. 398.) "Isabella, discarding all the petty artifices of state policy and pursuing the noblest ends by the noblest means, stands far above her age;' ""she was solicitous for every thing that concerned the welfare of her people." This is high praise; but laying aside the rules of Chivalry let us look in the spirit of Humanity. The great political work of this reign was the establishment of National Unity of Action. Spain had been divided into many kingdoms; the separate provinces of each had been united by a feeble tie; the power of the King was resisted and diminished by the authority of the great Barons, and thus the nation was distracted, and its power weakened. Under these sovereigns the different kingdoms were formed into one; the several provinces were closely united, the great Barons were humbled and brought into dependence upon the throne; and thus National Unity of Action established by the might of a great central power. To accomplish this work, the first thing to be done, after the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, was to diminish the power of the nobles. The same problem was getting solved in other countries at the same time. In some countries, as the nobles lost power, the cities, with their charters, gained it; the communes, the guilds, in short, the people, in one form or another, got an increase of political power. But in Spain it was not so. As power receded from the nobles, it fell into the hands of the king. The people only gained domestic tranquillity, not practical political power, or the theoretic recognition of their rights. Ferdinand and Isabella were both jealous of the Cortes. Once, when Isabella wanted the Cortes of Arragon to declare her daughter their future sovereign, and they refused, she exclaimed, "It would be better to reduce the country by arms at once than endure this insolence of the Cortes." (Part II., Ch. II., p. 362.) After Isabella's death Ferdinand for a long

time neglected to convene the Cortes. (Vol. III., p. 284.) Once he obtained a dispensation from the Pope, allowing him to cancel his engagement with the Cortes. (Ibid., p. 393, note 53.) In the first two years of her reign, Isabella called three meetings of the Cortes of the popular branch alone. The motive was plain: she wanted to reduce the power of the nobles, and the commons were the appropriate tool. After this work was done, the sessions became rare. She made the Hermandad take the place of the Cortes, to the great detriment of popular liberty. But in 1506 the foolish Cortes, either incited by the court or stimulated by the Spanish desire of monopoly, complained that the right of representation was extended too far. Both Ferdinand and Isabella 66 were averse to meetings of the Cortes in Castile oftener than absolutely necessary, and both took care on such occasions to have their own agents near the deputies to influence their proceedings," (Part II., Ch. XXVI., p. 444, note 34,) and to make the deputies understand that they had not so much power as they fancied. If Isabella had all the superlative qualities which Mr. Prescott and others, also, ascribe to her, the result must have been different.

We will not deny that Isabella did much for the nationmuch to establish internal tranquillity; much to promote the security of property and person. The first thing mentioned by Don Clemencin - the restoration of the currency from its debased condition-if taken alone, was highly important. She elevated men of worth to high stations, though they were men of mean birth; doubtless this was done in part to show the nobles that she could dispense with them in places which they had long monopolized; still she knew how to distinguish between the accidents and the substance of a man, and chose her counsellors accordingly. Her management of the affairs of the Church displayed no little skill and much energy. She kept the Church from the incursions of the Pope,-a task not so difficult as it would have been a century or two before, for the papal power was visibly on the wane; still, on the whole, we must confess that she did little to elevate the religious character of the clergy or the people.

Did she encourage letters and establish printing-presses? few great works were published in Spain: the Lives of Saints, treatises in honor of the Virgin, books of "Sacred Offices,' and fulminations against Moors, Jews, and heretics; Papal Bulls, and the works of Raymond Lully-such were the books