United States, under the name of the territory of California."* Here is annexation without the least delay; swift enough to satisfy even South Carolina.

One pleasant thing we find in looking through the disagreeable and often hypocritical documents connected with the Mexican war. That is, the instructions sent by Mr Bancroft to Commodore Conner, July 11th, 1845:

"This is, perhaps, the largest fleet that ever sailed under the American flag; and while it is sufficient, in case of war, to win glory for yourself, your associates, and the country, you will win still higher glory if, by the judicious management of your force, you contribute to the continuance of peace."+

66

In his second annual message, Dec. 8th, 1864, Mr Polk said, the war has not been waged with a view to conquest; but having been commenced by Mexico it has been carried into the enemy's country, and will be vigorously prosecuted there, with a view to obtain an honourable peace, and thereby secure an ample indemnity for the expenses of the war." But in the message of Dec. 7th, 1847, he says, "as Mexico refuses all indemnity, we should adopt measures to indemnify ourselves, by appropriating permanently a portion of her territory." "New Mexico and California were taken possession of by our forces; "I am satisfied that they should never be surrendered to Mexico." Some one said to General Pillow, "I thought the object of your movement in this war was a treaty of peace." True," (replied General Pillow) "that is the object of the war; but the object of this campaign was to capture the capital, and then make peace; " || again, “this army has not come to conquer a peace; it has come to conquer the country; we will make them dine and sup on the horrors of war. The statements of Mr Polk require no comment. We do not wish to apply to them the only word we know in the English tongue which describes them.

66

دو

We shall say nothing of the conduct of the administration during the war; nothing of the introduction of Santa Anna *Executive Document, No. 60, ubi sup., p. 268

+ Ibid., p. 232.

Executive Document, No. 4, 29th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 22.

See Executive Document, No. 1, 30th Congress, 1st Session, p. 12. Trist's Letter to Buchanan, in Executive Document, No. 22, 30th Congress, 1st Session, p. 265.

¶ Ibid., p. 275.

into Mexico; nothing of its quarrels with its officers, or their quarrels with one another; nothing of the contracts made with individuals for ships and other things needful in the war. The documents in the margin contain some remarkable things.* The President made the war, and Mr Nicholas P. Trist, "a Secretary in the department of State," made the peace. As the war was begun by Mr Polk without legal authority, so the treaty was made without legal authority. The Senate confirmed it.

There is one valuable provision in the treaty, designed to prevent depredations on private property in case of war, and other gratuitous cruelty.† One or two things in the correspondence of Mr Trist are too remarkable to pass by. June 2nd, 1847, he writes to Mr Buchanan, speaking of a certain boundary :

It

"It includes a vast and rich country, with many inhabitants. is too much to take. The population is mostly as dark as our mulattoes, and nominally free, and would be actually so under our government. The North would oppose taking it lest slavery should be established there; and the South lest its coloured population should be received as citizens, and protect their runaway slaves."

Again, Sept. 4:

Among the points which came under discussion was the exclusion of slavery from all territory which should pass from Mexico. In the course of their remarks on the subject, I was told that if it were proposed to the people of the United States to part with a portion of their territory, in order that the inquisition should be therein established, the proposal could not excite stronger feelings of abhorrence than those awakened in Mexico by the prospect of the introduction of slavery in any territory parted with by her. Our conversation on this topic was perfectly frank, and no less friendly; and the more effective upon their minds, inasmuch as I was enabled to say with perfect security, that although their impressions respecting the practical fact

* See Executive Documents, Nos. 1 and 60, 30th Congress, 1st Session (correspondence with Generals Taylor and Scott); Nos. 33 and 65 (trial of Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont and Major-General Pillow); No. 29 (contracts under authority of the War Department); and No. 52 (correspondence of Mr Trist and others relative to the negotiation of a treaty with Mexico).

† Articles XXII. and XXIII. of the Treaty, Executive Document, No. 52, 30th Congress, 1st Session, p. 62, et seq. The ideas and language thereof are copied from the celebrated Treaty of 1785, between the United States and Prussia. See the treaty (negotiated by Franklin, Jefferson, and Adams, ratified by Congress, May 17th, 1786), in Secret Journal of Congress. Boston. 1821. Vol. IV. pp. 25–43. (Article XXIII., et seq.)

of slavery, as it existed in the United States, were, I had no doubt, entirely erroneous; yet there was probably no difference between my individual views and sentiments on slavery, considered in itself, and those which they entertained. I concluded by assuring them that the bare mention of the subject in any treaty to which the United States were a party, was an absolute impossibility; that no President of the United States would dare to present any such treaty to the Senate; and that if it were in their power to offer me the whole territory described in our project, increased tenfold in value, and, in addition to that, covered a foot thick all over with pure gold, upon the single condition that slavery should be excluded therefrom, I could not entertain the offer for a moment, nor think even of communicating it to Washington. The matter ended in their being fully satisfied that this topic was one not to be touched, and it was dropped, with good feeling on both sides.”*

America had Mexico entirely at her mercy, and wanted "indemnity for the past, and security for the future ;" "indemnity for the cost of the war." She took California and New Mexico. The portion of the territory west of the Rio Grande, according to Mr Walker's statement, amounts to 526,078 square miles, or 336,689,920 acres; (Texas, within its "assumed limits," contains 325,529 square miles, or 208,332,800 acres.)† For this the United States are to pay Mexico 15,000,000 dols., and abandon all the celebrated claims which Mr Slidell estimated at 8,187,684 dols., paying to our citizens, however, not more than 3,250,000 dols. Taking the smallest sum-the United States pays Mexico for the territory 18,250,000 dols., and throws in the cost of the war-that being set off, it is likely, against the "imperishable glory" with which the soldiers have "covered themselves." Certainly, we must be in great want of land to refuse to pay more than our " claims," and 25,000,000 dols., and then actually pay the "claims " and 15,000,000 dols., flinging in all the cost of the war, and the loss of 1689 persons killed in battle, or perishing of their wounds received therein, and 6173 who had died by disease and accidents.‡

If England had one of her victims as completely at her feet as Mexico lay helpless at ours, she would have demanded all the public property of Mexico, a complete “in

* Executive Document, No. 52, 30th Congress, 1st Session, p. 199. Executive Document, No. 70, 30th Congress, 1st Session, p. 9. Executive Document, No. 36, 30th Congress, 1st Session.

demnity for the cost of the war," and a commercial treaty highly disadvantageous to Mexico, and highly profitable to England. Why was Mr Polk so moderate? Had the administration become moral, and though careless of the natural justice" of the war, careful about justice in the settlement? We wish we could think so. But there were some because it These men,

a few men in the land hostile to the war; was WAR, some because it was a WICKED war. few in number, obscure in position, often hated, and sometimes persecuted, reproached by the President as affording "aid and comfort to the enemy," being on the side of the Eternal Justice, had IT on their side. The moral portion of both political parties-likewise a small portion, and an obscure, not numbering a single eminent name-opposed the war, and the government trembled. The pretensions of the South, her arrogance, her cunning, awakened at last the tardy North. Men began to talk of the "Wilmot Proviso ;" of restricting slavery. True, some men fired by the instinct for office cried "be still," and others, fired with the instinct for gold, repeated the cry, "be still." There were those who had the instinct for justice, and they would not be still; no, nor will not; never. The slaveholders themselves began to tremble-and hence the easy conditions on which Mexico was let off.

The cost of the war it is not easy, or perhaps possible, at this moment, to make out; * but we can ascertain the sums already paid. The cost of the army and navy for the three years ending 30th June, 1846, was 37,615,879 dols. 15 cents; for the three years ending 30th June, 1849,100,157,128 dols. 25 cents. The difference between them is a part of the cost of the war, and amounts to 62,541,249 dols. 10 cents. There have been paid for "Mexican War Bounty Scrip," 233,075 dols.; a part of the money obtained from Mexico, say 3,000,000 dols.; 65,000 land warrants, each for 160 acres of land, at 1 dol. 25 cents per acre (by Act of 11th Feb., 1847), 13,000,000 dols., making 16,233,075 dols. more. The whole thus far amounts to 78,774,324 dols. 10 cents. About 25,000 more land warrants, it is thought, will be required, at a cost of 5,000,000 dols. No man can now estimate the sum which will be required for pensions. If we set down

See, who will, a Sermon of the Mexican War, &c. &c., by Theodore Parker. (Boston. 1848.) pp. 10, et seq., and 17, et seq.

the whole direct cost to the nation at 200,000,000 dols., we think we shall not be far out of the way. This is a tax of 10 dols: on each person in the United States, bond or free, old or newly born, rich or poor; like all other taxes, it is ultimately to be paid by the labour of the country, by the men who work with their hands, chiefly by poor men. The twenty-million-headed nation, blindly led by guides not blind, little thought of this when they shouted at each "famous victory," and denounced humble men who both. considered the "natural justice" of the war, and counted its cost.

Mr Polk refused his signature to three bills passed by Congress; one making "appropriations for the improvement of certain harbours and rivers," one for the ascertainment and satisfaction of " claims of American citizens" on France before the 31st of July, 1801, a third "for continuing certain works in the territory of Wisconsin, and for other purposes.' It is a little remarkable to find a man who commenced war upon Mexico by invading her territory, seized with such scruples about violating the Constitution while paying an honest debt. The Constitution which can be violated to promote Slavery, can easily afford an excuse for the neglect of justice.

Facile invenit fustem qui vult cædere canem.

Mr Polk found the nation with a debt of 17,075,445 dols. 52 cents, he left it with a debt of 64,938,400 dols. 70 cents. That was the debt on the 4th of March, 1849, including the 2,193,500 dols. of the loan of 1848, subsequently paid in.

Mr Polk has gone to the Judge of all men, who is also their Father. The hurra of the multitude and the applause of an irresponsible party are of no more value than the water which a Methodist minister sprinkled on the head of the dying man. His wealth became nothing; his power and his fame went back to those that gave; at the grave's mouth his friends, and he had friends, forsook him, and the monarch of the nation, the master of negro slaves, the author of a war, was alone with his God. Not a slave in the whole wide world would have taken his place. But God sees not as man. Here let us leave him, not without pity for his earthly history—not without love for a brother man whose weakness,

*See his Special Messages of August 3rd, 1846, August 8th, 1846, and December 15th, 1847.