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go out of fashion. Some of the Constitutional priests thought it as well formally to retract their oaths; while others set themselves to refute the philosophy of d'Holbach, Rousseau and St. Lambert. The people flocked back to the churches as fast as they could be reopened and purged from their desecration, so that at one church the congregation at high mass stretched half-way across the road. Once more the religieuses began to appear in their accustomed dress, and signs were not wanting that education would revert to those who had had a monopoly of it up to 1789. The prospectuses of schoolmasters no longer announced that little children would be taught to read from the Declaration of the Rights of Man," and from the "Republican Constitution," but spoke only of "inspiring in the minds of children those sentiments of probity and of honor based upon religion, which are the only unimpeachable foundation of morality.' The tide had turned, but there were abundant evidences that the philosophers would not allow themselves to be driven from their strongholds without a struggle. The bishops might consecrate, as they did, five hundred priests in a single year, and the clerical party might imagine that they were to be replaced in a position of supremacy, or something akin to it; but the philosophers were not likely to abandon the position they had gained at so heavy a cost. Lalande, the astronomer, organized a society, satirized with sufficient bitterness in Canning's "AntiJacobin,' the Society of Men without a God.' Their object of worship was virtue; their Bible, a record of the works of good men; and their code, creed, or formula of admittance, a promise and undertaking "to fight without cessation, but with the weapons of reason alone, against the grand and fatal error of believing in God."

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As, however, the Revolution, even before it was devoured of its own children, had solemnly decreed the existence of a Supreme Being, a religion of some kind became a necessity of State, and-if the subject were not so serious -the struggles of the philosophical party in this direction would be exceedingly amusing. One member of the Council of Five Hundred discovered that France

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possessed a religion without being aware of the fact. We have," said Leclerc, in a speech which was thought important enough to be reproduced in the form of a pamphlet―

"We have a civil religion with its faith, practice, and priests. Its faith is the existence of a God, recognized by the declaration of the rights of man; its practice will be the civil institutions when they shall have been settled in officers of the State." a worthy and practical way; its priests are the

All the acts which once required a religious sanction were to be performed under the sanction of the officers of the State, and when so performed were to have in the eye of the law a sacramental validity. It is hardly surprising that this scheme should have fallen to the ground after a single day's debate. Pure Deism must, however, have its cultus, and that was afforded by the new sect of Théophilanthropes, a society founded in 1790, by Lareveillière-Lepeaux, with the assistance of a brother of Hauy the geologist, and suppressed in 1801, after having obtained possession for the time of many of the desecrated ecclesiastical fabrics. There is something almost touching in the simple-mindedness of these enthusiasts of unbelief. They saw that the world in which they lived was out of joint, and they fancied that they could set it right by invoking the Unknown God in a canticle of eight-andtwenty lines, by putting flowers and fruits of the season upon the altars of their churches, and by florid orations delivered by middle-aged gentlemen in

tunique bleu céleste dans une chaire à draperie aurore." There was a species of universality about the theory of this new religion which was found very captivating to the minds of those who had been nursed in the philosophy of the eighteenth century. The Théophilanthropes recognized the quasi-inspiration of all good men, from Confucius and the Seven Sages down to Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and apparently paid equal honors to all of them. Walker, whose

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Geography'' was known to most men of the present generation in their schooldays, translated and published a "Manual of the Théophilanthropes as Adorers of God and Friends of Men," which ran through two editions, and which might safely pass for a manual of respectable

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Deism. The one dogma of the Théophilanthropes is, Worship God, cherish your kind, render yourselves use ful to the country," everything else is mere fringe. Some of it is, however, of an amusing naïveté. Thus, for example, under the head of Marriage of the Théophilanthropes, we have the following:

"The espoused couple, after having fulfilled the formalities prescribed by the laws of the country, present themselves at the religious assembly of the family, or the abode of the bride. After the celebration of worship, they appear by the altar, they are tied together with ribbons or garlands of flowers, the two extrem

ities of which are supported on each side of the espoused couple by their parents or rela

tions.

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The stage direction which follows is delightful in its simplicity. To these formalities may be added the presentation of the ring from the bridegroom to the bride, the medal of union given by the bridegroom to the bride, or other ceremonies of that kind according to the usages of the country." It is worthy of observation that just about half a century after this sect had been forcibly suppressed in France, the English Leigh Hunt in a little volume which is now very scarce, and which had for title "The Religion of the Heart,'' made a serious attempt to revive its doctrines, though without expressly mentioning the name of the sect from which he obviously derived them.

All these matters were, however, of minor importance compared with the crushing poverty which fell upon France during and after the Reign of Terror. For months and even years after the decisive night which witnessed the downfall of Robespierre, Paris remained a wrecked and desolated city. A foreign army might have besieged it without effecting so utter a destruction as that which befell it at the hands of its own children. Whole quarters were in ruins; the state of the streets everywhere was sickening, with heaps of mud and filth at every corner, and with strayed dogs and pigs rooting in the garbage thrown from the houses. The

hotels of the aristocracy had been converted into nests of lodging-houses or into workshops and factories on a small scale, and had (like the churches) become "national property," which the State in its dire necessity now sought to sell. On all sides consequently were to be seen announcements of auction of houses, churches and every kind of immovable property, side by side with advertisements of similar sales of furniture, works of art, curiosities, the contents of libraries and wardrobes once belonging to aristocrats who had fallen beneath the murderous knife of the guillotine, or who in England or the United States were dragging out a weary existence supported partly by charity and partly by the exercise, as a matter of industry, of the arts which had once been their diversion. Nor was this all. In their insane rage against the upper classes, the sovereign people had destroyed everything that was associated with the names of kings or nobles. That the names of the streets should be altered was a matter of course, but the mob had gone further. One of the first of their brilliant exploits had been to hack down the beautifully sculptured achievements of arms which decorated the hotels of the "noble faubourg." Then public buildings were destroyed. In the early days of the Revolution the mob had stopped everybody passing over the Pont Neuf, and compelled him to salute the statue of the good King Henri IV.” When they had discovered that the very name of king was hateful, the statue was torn down and sent to the foundry to be cast into cannon. The beautiful and quaint fountain which had stood on the same bridge for two hundred years had been despoiled of its carillon of bells, and of the group in gilded lead of Christ and the Woman of Samaria. The building itself, being "national property," was leased to a limonadier. the Tuileries a fine sculptured group of the Renaissance period, representing Prudence embracing Justice, had been smashed and the ancient bell in the tower above carried off to the foundry. Everywhere the same ruin and desolation were visible. The philosophers-the pedants and doctrinaires who were mainly responsible for the Revolution-had done little if anything in the interests of sci

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ence, save indeed sending the menagerie from Versailles to the Jardin des Plantes. Elsewhere they had wrought only ruin. At the Observatory the disused instruments lay neglected in the dust; the Sorbonne-" the nursing mother of Science and the Vatican of Letters"-was unroofed and desolate, and the affiliated colleges of Cluny, Sens, Lemoine, d' Harcourt and Sainte-Barbe were either unoccupied or turned into factories and workshops. Finally, to add to the generally poverty-stricken and desolate appearance of the city, the walls were covered with a perfect eruption of postingbills. Beffroy de Reigny in his curious "Dictionnaire Néologique des Hommes et des Choses," relating to the Revolution, has a long article on these advertisements. By his account the number was so great as to cause a perfect paperfamine. After speaking of the thousands of bills to be seen, he goes on to say that: "All the inculpated Terrorists stuck up some justification or other; every man who wanted anything of another posted up a libel, which in its turn was effaced on the morrow by another poster in reply." Orders were given for the suppression of this abuse in the spring of 1794, but it was found impossible to carry them out, and the nuisance was intensified by the ordinance of March 1793, which required the occupier of every house to place upon the door a paper containing the prénoms and surnames, age, quality (i.e. whether married or single), and profession of every person in the house.

Meanwhile the nation was, as a matter of fact, as poor as it appeared to be. Things had been bad enough under the Monarchy with its inordinate Civil List and with the extravagant expenses of the harem of Louis XV., but the burdens of the people were multiplied tenfold when the republican dream was realized and when paper had replaced the old specie currency. The new government was carried on upon a foundation of assignats, and the natural result was that these mortgage bonds on the landed property of the State were depreciated from the first. The extent of that depreciation is hardly appreciated in these days, but some idea may be formed from certain extracts given by MM. de Goncourt from a note-book NEW SERIES.-VOL. XLVI., No. 4

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kept by one of their family in 1796. This unhappy rentier put down a day's expenses at 41,300 livres--the items being: "18,650 for coat, blouse, vest and breeches; 1,500, stockings; 2,700, hat; 3,00c, boots; 600, cab and din ner; 12,000 for a watch; 50, coffee and liqueur; and 2,800, paper, ink, wax and light. And," these authors go on :

"from whom were these absurd prices demanded? From stockholders ruined by the forced and voluntary loans of the Terror; from stockholders upon whom the Revolution de

crees that the burden of the taxation, even to a fifth of their income shall fall, in addition to the duties required at the barriers (octroi), to the taxes upon doors, windows, and chimneys, and to the taxes upon carriages and horses.'

The country was in fact bankrupt ; the public credit was ruined, and though the time was a favorable one for stockjobbers and gamblers, honest commerce was paralyzed and production was almost at a standstill. All things were, in a word, preparing for a fresh revolution. The hour and the man alone were wanting, and it was not until Bonaparte came to the help of the bewildered government with his "whiff of grapeshot" that either the one or the other was found.

While waiting for that fortunate moment, some branches of commerce flourished. Whatever happened, people must eat and drink; and accordingly even under the Terror the hotels and restaurants and cafés increased in number. Those who eat and drink require amusement, those who live in constant fear demand distraction. The result was seen in the multiplication of gambling-houses, in the additions to the number of the theatres and in the overflowing of the debaucheries of the Palais Royal into the neighboring streets. But above all things the Parisians danced. No sooner had the shadow of the Terror been lifted than the gayety of the people

that gayety which had so often dissolved itself in unimagined horrors— found vent once more. They forgot the guillotine; they did not care to penetrate the dark and troubled future; they lived for the moment and consoled themselves for the loss of those who had been dearest to them with the dance. Even bals de victime were organized, entrance to which could be obtained only by those who had lost some near

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relation. To quote once more from zephyr. As an eye-witness relates--and he is MM. de Goncourt:

"There was dancing upon tears; there was dancing in deep mourning. The sons and the daughters of those who had been guillotined danced together, and those great griefs which should have been immortal skip about at a fiddler's bidding. The smiling Artemisias move with grace; the orphaned youths and maidens entwine their arms for the waltz and for the

Punchinello-'I saw a fine young man, and
this fine young man said to me, Ah, Punch-
inello, they have killed my father!" They
have killed your father?" and I pulled my
handkerchief out of my pocket, but he began
to dance.

"Zigue, zague, don don,
Un pas de rigaudon.'

-Temple Bar.

JENNY GEDDES AND THE DEVOUTER SEX.
BY JAMES HUTTON.

AMONG ordinary English readers no Scottish chronicles are half so popular as Sir Walter Scott's "Tales of a Grandfather," though, in truth, that charming book savors rather of historical romance than of grave and dignified history. It is, in fact, a collection of legendary stories told with delightful simplicity, and with an earnestness and sincerity that disarm criticism. For vivacious imaginative schoolboys it is a treasure and a joy forever, but it cannot be regarded as a serious record of events. Take, for instance, such a familiar inci. dent as the riot in St. Giles's Church, Edinburgh, which arose out of the illjudged attempt to introduce the Service Book into the Scottish Kirk, and in almost every sentence will be found an exaggeration or misstatement. The commotion is said to have begun with one Jenny Geddes, who kept a green-stall in the High Street, and who, moved by fanaticism, bawled out, "The deil colick in the wame of thee, thou false thief! dost thou say the Mass at my lug?" So saying, she flung at the dean's head the stool upon which she was sitting, whereupon there ensued a mighty uproar. We are next told that the women of lower condition, probably instigated by their betters, flew at the dean, tore the surplice from off his shoulders, and drove him out of the church. On the Bishop of Edinburgh ascending the pulpit in the hope of allaying the tumult, he was assailed with missiles and furious execrations, while the windows were broken by volleys of stones flung from the outside. The prelate's life even was only saved by his obtaining a seat in Lord Roxburghe's carriage, which was de

fended by his Grace's retinue with drawn swords. The picture is full of life and motion, and rivets the attention of the most careless observer. Nevertheless, it is merely a clever piece of mosaic work, of which the constituent parts are ingeniously fitted into one another, so as to acquire a general air of consistency and verisimilitude. It will not, however, bear rough handling.

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Let us now compare with this object of art the more prosaic account handed down to us in the Rev. James Gordon's "History of Scots Affairs from 1637 to 1641. The Service Book, after being carefully revised by the famous Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, was sent down to Scotland, and printed in the form of a large folio, to which were prefixed the Letters of Horning of the 20th of December, 1636, by which all ministers in that country were enjoined to read, or cause to be read, in their respective parishes, the Divine Service as set forth in that book. Every minister was, moreover, required to purchase two copies for the use of himself and his congregation, under pain of being denounced as a rebel. The first reading was originally fixed for Easter Day 1637, but was ultimately postponed till the 23rd of July, in the fond expectation that the public would in the meanwhile become accustomed to the idea of the proposed innovation; and also to enable the Lords of Session and other influential personages, on their return to their respective homes on or about the 1st of August, to report upon the success of the experiment in the capital. The favorable reception of the book was recommended by several preachers in

different parts of the country, and notably by the Rev. Henry Rollock, of Edinburgh, who had been designed to succeed to the bishopric of Galloway, on the resignation or demise of the actual incumbent, an infirm, blind old man. Mr. Rollock had thus come to be addressed as "My Lord"; but the aged prelate was in no haste either to resign or to die, and in the end exhausted the patience of the bishop-expectant, who, in high dudgeon, went over to the anti-episcopal party and speedily developed into one of their most popular ministers. So much so, indeed, that Principal Bailie related how, on one occasion, the female worshippers were exasperated that a Mr. Elliot went into the pulpit when they had hoped to hear Mr. Henry Rollock, and after sermon fell upon him and Mr. Fletcher with many sad strokes."

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Neither Charles I. nor his advisers had reason to apprehend that any extraordinary disturbance would arise from the general adoption of the Service Book, which had been daily read in the Chapel Royal at Holyrood House ever since 1617, without protest or demur, and had been resorted to by many members of the Council, by nobility and gentry, by ministers and burghers, and by women of all ranks." Scotsmen residing in England had voluntarily at tended the English Service since 1603, without any sense of wrongdoing. The book had also been used for years in the New College of St. Andrew's, and was habitually read before Charles during his visit to Scotland in 1633. For all that, dire uproar and confusion broke out on Sunday, July 23, in St. Giles's Church, which was crowded to excess, largely from idle curiosity to see in what spirit the new order of things would be accepted. Let us now turn to the picturesque narrative of the Parson of Rothiemay," as he is designated on his title-page :

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How soon as Dr. George Hanna, Dean of Edinburgh, who was to officiate that daye, had opened the Service Booke, but that a number

of the meaner sorte of the people, most of them waiting-maides and women who use in that towne for to keep places for the better sorte, with clappings of their hands, cursings, and outcryes, raised ane such uncoth noyse and hubbub in the church that not any one could either heare or be hearde. The gentle

women did fall a tearing and crying that the Masse was entred amongst them and Baal in the church. There was standing behynde a pew and answering Amen a gentleman who,

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to what the Deane was reading, a she zealott hearing him starts upp in choller. Traitor (says she), does thow saye Masse at my eare!'' and with that struke him on the face with her byble in great indignation and furye. The Bishopp of Edinburgh, Mr. David Lindsey (who had come that morning sooner than his ordinar tyme, it being his intention to counhis presence, and after the service performed tenance the intrado of this new Leitany with being about to preach), stept immediately into the pulpitt, above the Deane, intending to appease the tumult, mynding them of the place where they were, and entreating them to desiste from profaning it. Butt he met with as little reverence (albeit with more violence) as the Deane had founde; for they were more enraged and beganne to throw at him stooles and their very bybles, and what armes were in the way of furye. And it is reported that he hard

ly escaped the blow of a stoole, which one pres

ent diverted from twoching the Bishopp.

Many of the rioters were believed to be apprentices and other young men disguised in female apparel, who threw the

faulding stules' with great strength and precision. The Archbishop of St. Andrew's, Lord Chancellor of Scotland, hastened with some other gentlemen to the assistance of the bishop, but fared just as badly at the hands of the raging mob, until his Grace summoned to their aid the provost, bailies, and members of the town council, who had been amused spectators of the affray from their loft or gallery. The rabble were then expelled after a sharp struggle, and the doors of the church were closed and made fast. The Dean thereupon endeavored to resume his reading for the edification of "the better sorte," while the mob outside hurled volleys of stones through the windows, beat upon the doors, and made such an appalling din that not a word could be heard within the sacred edifice. At the conclusion of the sermon the Bishop of Edinburgh started on foot for his lodgings, which were at no great distance, but was beset and hustled by a multitude of the lower orders, and for a while was actually in danger of his life. Attempting to ascend the common stair leading to his own flat, he was pulled violently by the sleeve of his gown, and nearly fell backward. On reaching his rooms he found the outer door shut, and was in a grievous plight, until the Earl of Wemyss, who

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