Portions of this article have been translated and published in several of the newspapers of Madrid, with more or less pertinent observations. I annex translation of the observations of the Cronista of Madrid, (a journal in close affinity with the government,) calling your attention especially to the concluding paragraph, in which is accepted without protest the remarkable phrase of the "Times" concerning the rule of Spain over Cuba, to the effect that "the limits of her power are the limits of her right."

I have the honor, &c.,

Hon. HAMILTON FISH,

C. CUSHING.

Secretary of State.

APPENDIX A.-No. 730.

Editorial article from El Cronista, Madrid, December 20, 1875.

[Translation.]

THE QUESTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

The Times, (of the 9th instant,) referring to the message of General Grant, and after devoting some little space to the religious question, which is commencing to arise in the United States, and threatens to perturb their interior peace, if not with armed struggles, at least with those moral combats which cause so much injury to civil societies, passes on to analyze very especially the portion of that message which treats of the Cuban question.

The English journal qualifies it as the most important part of the message, and calls oleervance to the confession of the President that the rebels do not constitute a civil organization which could be recognized as an independent government capable of fulfilling international obligations and worthy of being treated as a power; from which Grant himself draws the inference that to recognize the insurgents as a government would be an act inconsistent with the reality.

And the Times adds:

"Any other conclusion would have come strangely indeed from the Chief Magistrate of a nation which was angry with this country for recognizing the belligerency of the Southern States, although they had a regular government, a fixed capital, agents abroad, a formidable navy, and an elaborately organized army. The Cuban insurgents are as yet little better than splinters of revolt."

The President concludes, and the Times applauds him for it, by saying that it would be imprudent, premature, and indefensible as a measure of right to treat the rebels as belligerents.

But at the same time that the English journal notes these satisfactory statements, it observes that in the next line the President lays it down as his opinion, that the indefinite continuance of the war being prejudicial to the subjects of the republic, it will be necessary for the Spanish government to do everything possible to conclude it, under penalty of that republic being obliged to adopt such measures as may be deemed

necessary.

And the journal adds:

"It is exceedingly difficult for English observers to do justice to the claims on which President Grant's threats are founded. We are apt to think that they are merely a veil for a determination to seize one of the richest islands in the world. America has long had her eye on Cuba, and it may not uncharitably be thought that she is unwilling to let slip this chance of seizing the prize. But it would be well for us to suspend our judgment till we see a specific statement of the injury which the Cuban rebellion has inflicted upon the United States. It certainly injures trade, and does great harm to many of the President's countrymen. The mischief thus done may be insufficient to warrant more than a remonstrance, or it may call for a less gentle style of treatment." The periodical then goes on to make reflections upon the possibility of Spain's overcoming the insurrection, and terminates with these notable words:

"Were Cuba as near to Cornwall as it is to Florida we should certainly look more sharply to matters of fact than to the niceties of international law. But everything, we repeat, depends on those matters of fact. If Spain can suppress the insurrection and prevent Cuba from becoming a permanent source of mischief to neighboring countries, she has the fullest right to keep it. But she is on her trial, and that trial cannot be

long. When she is made to clearly understand that the tenure of her rule over Cuba depends on her ability to make that rule a reality, she will not be slow to show what she can do, and the limits of her power will be the limits of her right."

Thus ends the article, which, from more than one point of view, deserves to attract the attention of our government and serve as a stimulus and a spur to it, in order to accelerate on the one hand the final campaign against the Carlists, and on the other the preparations for another and likewise decisive campaign in Cuba.

It is indispensable-it is demanded by our interest and our honor, pledged before the civilized world-it is indispensable to make a supreme effort and triumph, and triumph speedily, over both insurrections. Neither of the two has succeeded in placing itself in conditions to be recognized as a belligerent; both of them are daughters of the disconcertedness in which we have lived, of the debility which the principle of authority contracted among us in a lamentable period of political insanity; both of them are decaying in proportion as authority regains its place and the nation restores itself.

One effort more and we will end it; and let us at every moment think that, in this matter as in many others, it is a melancholy truth that "the limits of our power must be the limits of our right."

No. 736.]

No. 17.

Mr. Cushing to Mr. Fish.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

Madrid, December 29, 1875. (Received January 17, 1876.) SIR: I transmitted extracts from the principal journals of Madrid on the subject of the message of the President, containing appreciations thereof put forth on the imperfect knowledge disseminated by the electric telegraph, and with more or less confusion of thought produced by anticipatory and erroneous statements in the newspapers of Europe and America.

While the public mind here was somewhat moved in this respect, as briefly noted in my No. 716, of the 13th instant, it is not true that any commotion existed such as might be inferred from the sensational items which meet my eye in some of the newspapers of New York.

Whatever emotion did exist has been quite tranquilized by the arrival and publication here of the text of the message.

I am, &c.,

Hon. HAMILTON FISH,

C. CUSHING.

Secretary of State.

APPENDIX B.-No. 736.

Extract from editorial article from La Epoca, Madrid, December 28, 1875.

In so far as relates to the Cuban question, we will add a few considerations to those we summarily emitted when the telegraph transmitted to us an abstract of General Grant's message. We note, in the first place, that the most extensive portion of that document is that referring to Spain, and that, deviating somewhat from the custom followed in such cases by the chiefs of other powers, the President not only gives account of the negotiations pursued with our country, and of the present state of the Cuban question, but discusses this question at considerable length, as a responsible minister would do before a house of deputies. That the words of the message relative to Spain may be deemed on the whole to be satisfactory for our government, especially when they are compared with the alarming announcements of the filibusters, is a truth, from every point of view, unquestionable.

II-CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE CONDITION OF AFFAIRS IN CUBA, AND MATTERS RELATING THERETO.

No. 241.]

No. 18.

Mr. Hall to Mr. Cadwalader.

UNITED STATES CONSULATE

GENERAL,

Havana, July 7, 1875. (Received July 15.) SIR: Another of those bloody affairs reported so frequently during the first years of the insurrection, occurred a few days ago in the western department of this island. There are several versions, and during the excitement caused by the reports first received it would seem that undue importance was given to it.

The Diario of the 29th ultimo states that an insurgent expedition has for some time past been expected to land in the western department; that some one hundred men had landed there a few days previous, and that the party from Havana, referred to in the accompanying slips taken from the Diario of that date, were on their way to join the former; the object being to get up an insurrectionary movement, as well as of diverting the attention of the government in that direction. The fact is, however, that no such expedition has landed, and, doubtless, none has ever been contemplated. Whatever may be the inclination of the inhabitants, the insurgent leaders are probably well aware that a movement in that department would be impracticable, if for no other reason than of its proximity to Havana, the Spanish military and naval center, where the government has its principal resources.

It is now asserted that the affair referred to was gotten up by some forty to fifty young men of Havana, apparently without concert with any one outside the city; that on St. John's day (24th ultimo) these young men were to leave the city; but at the time of putting their plan into practice the number was found to be reduced to eighteen, and when they arrived at Marianao, some six miles from Havana, four others turned back, leaving fourteen only to carry out the quixotic undertaking.

The authorities, evidently, were advised of this movement; as, when the fourteen young men reached the place they had agreed upon, near Guanajay, they were soon surrounded by more than a thousand volunteers; three were killed, five captured and at once subjected to the usual "proces verbal," and shot on the spot. Six escaped to the hills, but will doubtless be captured and suffer the fate of their five companions.

It is said that the ages of these young men are from fifteen to twentytwo years; all appear to be respectably connected; some with prominent families of Havana, and some were, or had been, students of the university, which cherishes the tradition of the eight medical students massacred on the 27th November, 1871.

*

Although as an insurrectionary movement the affair proved a complete failure, still it is said to have had the effect of reminding many well-disposed Spaniards that the reconciliation which Spaniards have been looking and hoping for so long is becoming every day less likely to be realized.

I am, &c.,

Hon. JOHN L. CADWALADER,

HENRY C. HALL.

Assistant Secretary of State.

[Inclosure 1 in No. 241.-Translation.]

INTERESTING DETAILS.

HAVANA, July 7, 1875.

We suspend the printing of our supplement in order to make public the following details:

Our authority having received information that a suspicious vessel was in the waters of Mariel, advised the commandant-general of marine, and the latter ordered the prompt departure of the schooner Favorita to visit the western ports and coast as far as the Colorado reefs, and instructing the commander to put himself in communication with the military governor of Guanajay. After taking these measures, the telegraph, on the 26th, transmitted the news that fourteen men had landed at Baracoa, (estate,) district of Hoyo Colorado, jurisdiction of Santiago de las Vegas, and had entered the jurisdiction of Guanajay.

His excellency, with that activity and zeal which so greatly distinguish him, gave rapid and terminant orders to the governor of the invaded jurisdiction, as well as to the corps of municipal guards of this capital, which went in pursuit of the insurgents, to co-operate in their prompt extermination.

These combinations could have had no better result. As soon as they were seen in the estate San Nicolas, the guards and volunteers attacked them, killing three and capturing arms, munition, and other effects. In the pursuit, the lieutenant of the guard, Soza y Perez, captured five prisoners, who, being subjected to a procés verbal of war, were shot. The guards lost three men in the defense made by the rebels.

The rest of the party, or rather the six remaining, at last accounts were running toward the hills of Cuzco, where, doubtless, they expect to be safe; but, as the mountains are watched, they will soon fall into the power of the authorities.

The killed are: Virgilio Silva, the chief, Francisco Portocarrera, Antonio Urbano Pedross, Alfredo Alvarez, Antonio Aguirre, Agustin Morales, Julio Brochman, and Manuel Vilardero.

The worthy General Carbo merits the congratulations of all the loyal sons of Spain, as do also the lieutenant-governor of Guanajay and the guards and volunteers, who, with such bravery and activity, have executed his orders.

No. 455.]

No. 19.

Mr. Cushing to Mr. Fish.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

Madrid, July 23, 1875. (Received August 11.) SIR: I find in the London Times of the 19th a telegraph of the alleged official contradiction of the report, said to be current in New York, of intended co-operation on the part of the United States, Great Britain, and Germany to produce the pacification of Cuba. The same report had previously come here from Paris, and had been the subject of much conversation in diplomatic and political circles.

By some, the statement was attributed to Cuban laborantes in Paris.

*

Although members of the Spanish government repel the idea of asking for any aid in their troubles, yet persons are not wanting who contend that, if the present campaign fails of decisive results in favor of D. Alphonso, he will approach more nearly to Germany in reference to the affairs of the Peninsula, especially if any dissatisfaction should arise on the side of France.

Many of the newspapers of Madrid contain articles on the subject of the reported purpose of the United States, Great Britain, and Germany to interpose, concertedly, in the matter of Cuba; but none of them speak on the supposition of any such separate purpose on the part of the United States.

I annex copy and translation of an article of La Politica, which dis

cusses the subject more fully than the other journals of Madrid, by which you will see that intelligent Spaniards regard the subject in the light presented in my dispatches, to the effect that the possibility of efficient and speedy action by the Spanish government in Cuba depends on the military and political events in the Peninsula.

The Epoca says: "A dispatch from Washington contradicts the rumor, which had circulated, of joint action by England and the United States to effect the abandonment of the Antilles by Spain. 'America,' says the dispatch, 'has not renewed the offer of mediation made in 1869. She awaits the course of events without doing anything to hasten it.'

"Let her, then, wait in calmness, for Spain will shed her last drop of blood and spend her last hard dollar in defense of the provinces beyond seas. But we overlooked the plots of the filibusters, and that it is not permitted to attribute any importance to their inventions. Another of our colleagues, speaking of this matter, repeats the saying of the Marques de Pidal, who said that, rather than see the Antilles cease to be Spanish soil, he would prefer to have them swallowed up in the ocean. All this is very good, and, as an expression of patriotic sentiment, very laudable. Spain will ever set ber honor before all other considerations; but it is indispensable to make the needful efforts to preserve all her interests, preserving at the same time, and augmenting, if it be possible, that of honor.

"We should not be content with more or less patriotic expressions, but should proceed to take the steps demanded by the state of Cuba, and to give attention to the material pacification of the island as the first and most peremptory necessity of the moment. It is vain for us to talk of not giving up the Antilles in any manner and in any case if we do nothing, or if we do not do enough, to save them, as well from the traitors who are endeavoring to transfer them to foreigners, as from the foreigners who may covet them.

#

What is lacking to end the war when we have such favorable elements on our side? We lack that which we were continually asking in vain of the minister of war of the late situation, that which we have continued to beg since the 30th of December, that which we hope the present government will concede, and that which we shall not cease to solicit until we see it accomplished. The need is that, in the coming month of September, there be sent out, in one or two shipments, a sufficient number of organized troops to enter forthwith upon the winter campaign, and, making one great combined effort, to annihilate the enemy at a single blow.

What we have said of the war in the Peninsula that do we likewise say of the war in Cuba. Warfare is unanswerable except by warfare, and to make war we have to send all at one time that which we would otherwise have to send at many times, and without result. How much time was lost last year because our counsel passed unheeded! How often did we call for the dispatch of a numerous expedition, which, in the months from September to May, which are those appropriate for operations in Cuba, might put an end to the bands of the insurgents! We have in Cuba zealous and intelligent authorities, well-disposed inhabitants in the towns, enthusiastic volunteers, sufficient material resources; the Peninsula should furnish soldiers; and with soldiers sent all at once and in large numbers, the war can be terminated within six months. The material pacification of the island having been once attained, heed must be given to its moral pacification and to the following-out of the policy most adequate to the exigencies of the modern spirit and to the interests of Cuba and of Spain, which are intimately joined together.

In fine, more doing and less saying. By September let there be ready, in one shipment, re-enforcements of fifteen thousand men, and there will be no need or desire of having the sea swallow up the Antilles, or of spending more blood or treasure in preserving them.