Goodwin was; for he not only juftified the putting the King to death, but magnified it as the glorioufeft action men were capable of. He filled all people with fuch expectation of a glorious thousand years speedily to begin, that it looked like a madness poffeffing them.

for the

Kingship.

It was no eafy thing for Cromwell to fatisfy His defign thofe, when he took the power into his own hands fince that looked like a ftep to Kingship, which Goodwin had long reprefented as the great Antichrift, that hindred Chrift's being fet on his throne. To these he said, and as fome have told me, with many tears, that he would rather have taken a fhepherd's staff than the Protectorship, fince nothing was more contrary to his genius than a fhew of greatness: But he faw it was neceffary at that time to keep the Nation from falling into extream diforder, and from becoming open to the common enemy: And therefore he only stept in between the living and the dead, as he phrased X it, in that interval, till God fhould direct them on what bottom they ought to fettle: And he affured them, that then he would furrender the heavy load lying upon him, with a joy equal to the forrow with which he was affected while under that fhew of dignity. To men of this ftamp he would enter into the terms of their old equality, fhutting the door, and making them fit down. covered by him, to let them fee how little he valued thofe diftances that for form's fake he was bound to keep up with others. These difcourfes commonly ended in a long prayer. Thus with much ado, he managed the republican enthusiasts. The other Republicans he called the Heathens, and profeffed he could not fo eafily work upon them. He had fome chaplains of all forts: And he begun in his latter years to be gentler towards thofe of the church of England. They had their meetings in feveral places about London without any disturbance from him. In conclufion, even

the

the Papists courted him: And he with great diffimulation carried things with all forts of people farther than was thought poffible, confidering the difficulties he met with in all his Parliaments: But it was generally believed that his life and all his arts were exhaufted at once, and that if he had lived much longer he could not have held things together.

The debates came on very high for fetting up a King. All the lawyers, chiefly Glyn, Maynard, Fountain, and St. Johns, were vehemently for this. They faid, no new government could be fettled legally but by a King, who fhould pass bills for fuch a form as fhould be agreed on. Till then all they did was like building upon fand: Still men were in danger of a revolution: And in that cafe all that had been done would be void of itself, as contrary to a law yet in being and not repealed. Till that was done, every man that had been concerned in the war, and in the blood that was fhed, chiefly the King's, was ftill obnoxious: And no warrants could be pleaded, but what were founded on or approved of by a law paffed by King, Lords, and Commons. They might agree to truft this King as much as they pleased, and to make his power determine as foon as they pleafed, fo that he fhould be a Felo de fe, and confent to an act, if need were, of extinguifhing both name and thing for ever. And as no man's perfon was fafe till that was done, fo they faid all the grants and fales that had been made were null and void: All men that had gathered or difpofed of the publick money were for ever accountable. In fhort, this point was made out beyond the poffibility of anfwering it, except upon enthufiaftick principles. But by that fort of men all this was called a miftrufting of God, and a trusting to the arm of flefh: They had gone out, as they faid, in the fimplicity of their hearts to fight the Lord's battles, to whom they had made the appeal: He had heard them, and appeared for them, and now they could truft him no longer:

they

They had pulled down monarchy with the monarch, and would they now build that up which they had destroyed: "They had folemnly vowed to God to be true to the Commonwealth, without a King or Kingship: And under that vow, as under a banner, they had fought and prevailed: But now they must be fecure, and in order to that go back to Egypt: They thought, it was rather a happiness that they were ftill under a legal danger: This might be a mean to make them more cautious and diligent: If Kings were invaders of God's right, and ufurpers upon mens liberties, why must they have recourfe to fuch a wicked engine? Upon thefe grounds they stood out: And they looked on all that was offered about the limiting this King in his power, as the gilding the pill: The affertors of thofe laws that made it neceffary to have a King, would no fooner have one, than they would bring forth out of the fame ftorehoufe all that related to the power and prerogative of this King: Therefore they would not hearken to any thing that was offered on that head, but rejected it with fcorn. Many of them began openly to fay, if we must have a King in confequence of fo much law as was alledged, why fhould we not rather have that King to whom the law certainly pointed, than any other? The Earl of Orrery told me, that, coming one day to Cromwell during those heats, and telling him he had been in the City all that day, Cromwell asked him what news he had heard there? The other answered, that he was told he was in treaty with the King, who was to be reftored and to marry his daughter. Cromwell expreffing no indignation at this, Lord Orrery faid, in the ftate to which things were brought, he faw not a better expedient: They might bring him in on what terms they pleafed And Cromwell might retain the fame authority he then had with lefs trouble. Cromwell answered, the King can never forgive his father's blood. Orrery faid, he was one of

many

many that were concerned in that, but he would be alone in the merit of reftoring him: Cromwell replied, he is fo damnably debauched he would undo us all; and fo turned to another discourse without any emotion, which made Orrery conclude he had often thought of that expedient:

Before the day in which he refused the offer of the Kingship that was made to him by the Parliament, he had kept himself on fuch a referve that no man knew what answer he would give. It was thought more likely he would accept of it: But that which determined him to the contrary was, that, when he went down in the morning to walk in St. James's park, Fleetwood and Desborough were waiting for him: The one had married his daughter, and the other his fifter. With these he entered into much difcourfe on the fubject, and argued for it: He faid, it was a tempting of God to expose so many worthy men to death and poverty, when there was a certain way to fecure them. The others infifted ftill on the oaths they had taken. He faid, thefe oaths were against the power and tyranny of Kings, but not against the four letters that made the word King. In conclufion, they, believing from his difcourfe that he intended to accept of it, told him, they faw great confufions would follow on it: And as they could not ferve him to fet up the idol they had put down, and had fworn to keep down, fo they would not engage in any thing against him, but would retire and look on. So they offered him their commiffions, fince they were refolved not to ferve a King: He defired they would stay till they heard his answer. It was believed, that he, feeing two perfons fo near him ready to abandon him, concluded that many others would follow their example; and therefore thought it was too bold a venture. So he refused it, but accepted of the continuance of his Protectorship. Yet, if he had lived out the next winter, as the debates were to

have been brought on again, fo it was generally thought he would have accepted of the offer. And it is yet a queftion what the effect of that would have been. Some have thought it would have brought on a general fettlement, fince the law and the ancient government were again to take place: Others have fancied juft the contrary, that it would have engaged the Army, fo that they would either have deferted the fervice, or have revolted from him, and perhaps have killed him in the first fray of the tumult. I will not

determine which of thefe would have most probably happened. In thefe debates fome of the Cavalier party, or rather their children, came to bear fome fhare. They were then all zealous Commonwealthsmen, according to the directions fent them from thofe about the King. Their bufinefs was to oppofe Cromwell on all his demands, and fo to weaken him at home, and expofe him abroad. When fome of the other party took notice of this great change, from being the abettors of prerogative to become the patrons of liberty, they pretended their education in the Court and their obligation to it had engaged them that way; but now fince that was out of doors, they had the common principles of human nature and the love of liberty in them. By this means as the old republicans affifted and protected them, fo at the fame time they ftrengthened the faction against Cromwell. But thefe very men at the Restoration fhook off this difguife, and reverted to their old principles for a high prerogative and abfolute power. They faid they were for liberty, when it was a mean to diftreis one who they thought had no right to govern; but when the government returned to its old channel, they were ftill as firm to all prerogative notions, and as great enemies to liberty as ever.

I go next to give an account of Cromwell's Cromtranfactions with relation to foreign affairs. He well's enlaid it down for a maxim to fpare no coft or gemen:

VOL. I.

H

charge France.