easily and honorably those occasions and steps might have been shunned, which resulted at last in such terrific evils, both to the victor and the victim. Far be it from us to exempt either Mexico or the United States from deep guilt, in bringing on the contest; but which government was chiefly instrumental in springing the mine at last, has been made sufficiently clear by the preceding remarks.

In this connection it will be proper, as a part of the history of the war, to state, that it had actually begun, and two principal battles, those of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, had been fought, before the Congress of the United States, the war-making power, was apprized of what was going forward, and the steps which had been taken to bring matters to a crisis; or had been favored with an opportunity to pronounce on the merits or causes of a war with Mexico. Their vote, therefore, was but a foregone conclusion. They but registered the decision that had gone forth from another branch of the government. While, accordingly, the House of Representatives of the 29th Congress, on May 13, 1846, voted, by a majority of 173 to 14, that, “by the act of the republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that ̋ government and the United States; on Jan. 3, 1848, the newly chosen House of Representatives of the 30th Congress voted, in a Joint Resolution of thanks to Gen. Taylor, his officers, and men, by a majority of 85 to 81, that the war was "unnecessarily and unconstitutionally begun by the President of the United States ;" and this vote was subsequently sustained against reconsideration, on Feb. 14th, by a majority of 115 to 94.

Having thus far discussed the beginning of the war, as an argument for peace, as a precedent, illustrating the saying of the Wise Man, that it is better to "leave off contention before it be meddled with;" we now proceed to make a few remarks on the termination of the contest, as also bearing witness in behalf of the cause of peace.

Various proposals were made to the Mexican Government, during the prosecution of the war, to enter into negotiations of peace. Offers were addressed, at different periods, by the superior commanders, acting under directions from home, to treat of matters in dispute between the two countries; but Mexico, feeling herself deeply wronged and aggrieved, and clinging to the principle of the integrity of the national domains, rejected with scorn all pacific counsels.

It was with this view, that an armistice of eight weeks formed one of the articles of the capitulation of Monterey. And, after the battle of Buena Vista, Gen. Taylor sent an officer to Gen. Santa Anna, “to express to him the desire still cherished by the American Government, for the reestablishment of peace." "Say to Gen. Taylor," was the reply, "that we sustain the most sacred of causes, the defence of our territory, and the preservation of our nationality and rights."

After the battle of Cerro Gordo, Gen. Scott addressed a letter to the Mexican people, to persuade them to entertain propositions of peace, and to understand their true interests. But the effort was fruitless.

Finally, the sword, drunk as it was with human blood, proving an ineffectual instrument of pacification, a more hopeful plan suggested itself to the American Government. N. P. Trist, Esq., as before stated, was appointed, on the 15th of April, 1847, an agent, by the President, unconfirmed and unauthorized by the Senate, the confirming and treatymaking power; and his commission stated that he was invested, “in the fullest and most complete manner, with ample power and authority, in the name of the United States, to meet and confer with any person or persons, who shall have similar authority from the republic of Mexico, and between them to negotiate and conclude an arrangement of the differences which exist between the two countries a treaty of peace, amity, and lasting boundaries. Mr. Trist

carried with him to Mexico, from the department of State,

a project of a treaty." Its principal features were, the cession to the United States of the disputed territory between the Nueces and the Rio Grande, with the adoption of the latter river as the boundary line; the cession of New Mexico, and both Upper and Lower California; and the free right of way forever across the isthmus of Tehuantepec. Three millions of dollars had been placed, by Congress, at the disposal of the President of the United States, by which the provisions of a treaty of peace might be concluded, and its objects fulfilled. Mr. Trist accompanied Gen. Scott and his army to the Valley of Mexico; and, after the battles of Contreras and Churubusco, he met Mexican commissioners, specially appointed to negotiate a treaty. From the 27th of August, 1847, to the 7th of September, the commission thus jointly constituted was in session, at a small village in the immediate vicinity of the capital. Mr. Trist laid his project before the Mexican commissioners, who also proposed conditions of peace, that rested essentially on these points: the adoption of the Nueces as the boundary; thence west to the eastern boundary of New Mexico; thence north with that boundary to the thirty-seventh degree of latitude; thence west with that parallel to the Pacific; and that the country between the Nueces and the Rio Grande should be left as an uninhabited country. But the commission could not agree; the failure turning wholly on the claim of the south part of New Mexico, which neither party would yield; while Mr. Trist was willing to concede Lower California, and to refer the question of the Nueces territory to the cabinet at Washington. On the 7th of September the discussions closed, and on the 8th Gen. Scott opened his cannons on Molino del Rey.

Mr. Trist was subsequently recalled, by the President of the United States, and his authority as a peace commissioner declared to be at an end. But he remained in Mexico, with

the army; and, on the 2d of February, 1848,* he negotiated, with commissioners appointed by the Mexican Government, the treaty of peace, which has already in the preceding chapter been mentioned, as receiving finally the ratification of the lawful powers of both governments. The articles of pacification are too well known, to be repeated at length. It is sufficient to state, that the troops of the United States were to withdraw from Mexico; the blockaded ports to be opened; the Rio Grande to be the boundary line on the Gulf of Mexico, and on the Pacific the line between Upper and Lower California; the payment of fifteen millions of dollars to Mexico, in consideration of the territory thus acquired; and the exoneration of Mexico from all claims of citizens of the United States for spoliations, to the amount of several millions more.

The conclusion of the war thus demonstrates the superior power and blessings of peace. Both parties were tired of the contest; the one of being defeated and ravaged, the other of losing thousands of lives, and millions of money. So far as the peace was a measure forced by the sword, it is as dishonorable in the light of humanity and Christianity to the victorious, as it is humiliating to the vanquished nation. For Fenelon, noble champion for his day of the humane spirit in international intercourse, says, in his "Directions for the Conscience of a King," that "a treaty of peace, that is made from necessity, because one party is the stronger, is like that which is made with a robber, who has a pistol at your head." And so far as the power of money prevailed, where the power of the bayonet had failed, so far as the negotiation, though unauthorized at the time, succeeded, where the bravest general had been frustrated in "conquering a peace," the treaty might as well have been negotiated in February, 1846, as in February, 1848.

* 30th Congress, 2d Session, House of Representatives,, Ex. Doc. No. 50, on the Treaty of Peace. Also, Senate, Ex. Doc. No. 52.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE EXPENDITURES OF THE WAR.

"I said one day in Venice, in a company which was very clamorous for a war, I wish that each of the great men and great women present was ordered by the emperor to contribute, at the rate of four thousand ducats a head, to the charges of the war; and that the other fine gentlemen among us were made to take the field forthwith, in person." PRINCE EUGENE.

We devote this chapter to "the waste of treasure,” produced by the Mexican War, to both the nations concerned. There are men of reputed wisdom and high standing, who scorn the consideration of the cost of a war. They deem it a sordid act to put money into one scale, to weigh against national glory in the other. We confess that money is not the chief good of life, and that wasting it by millions is not the chief evil of war. We confess that there are things which a nation should hold infinitely dearer than an overflowing exchequer, and for which it should pour out its gold and silver with the bountifulness of the rains of heaven. Such are the maintenance of its just rights by Christian means, the diffusion of education and religion among its people, and the contribution of food and clothing for the famished and naked abroad, as well as to build up every good institution, asylum, and public work, that will insure the physical, domestic, and moral improvement of its masses. But we do not recognize this war as among these objects; it belongs to a very different category.

When we look, too, on one hand, at the horrid destitution and consequent degradation and wretchedness of extensive