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provinces of Ireland?-I think one immediate effect of it would be to present to many of the members who now sit for the south of Ireland, the option of losing their elections, or of resisting the Roman-catholic claims. I think it would throw them, for their chance of success, on the fifty and twenty pound freeholders. I think some of the present members for the south of Ireland hold their seats by virtue of the fortyshilling franchise." Here he felt obliged to stop for a moment, and to observe, that if he were not advocating a bill, which was to be contingent upon, and to go along with the great measure of catholic emancipation, the policy of quoting the evidence of the hon. member might be questionable but as it was the object of that measure to restore the catholics of Ireland to the possession of their ancient and constitutional rights, and as the bill now before the house would not take effect until the other had passed, there could be no danger of reducing unfairly the number of Roman-catholic members. The hon. member was asked, "Supposing the catholics to be emancipated, and the elective franchise to be raised to 20l., would there not be fewer persons in parliament for Ireland, depending on catholic constituents, than there are now?" His answer was, "probably not half a dozen representatives for Ireland, depending on Roman-catholics; but it may be material to observe that every thing I have said supposes the legislature shall not create any franchise intermediate between 40s. and 201. If the franchise was raised to 57., I am persuaded very many of those unfortunate

persons who have sworn to a franchise of 40s. would swear to one of 5l. I do not think they would outrage appearances so far as to swear to one of 201." Upon this answer, then, he (Mr. Littleton) thought he was fully justified in fixing the qualification at 107. The principle of the alteration was so fully recognized and so ably advocated by the hon. member for Lowth, that he thought he had a right to look for his support on the present occasion; and if he should entertain any different opinion from him with respect to the amount of the qualification, it would be competent for the hon. gentleman to propose in the committee whatever sum he thought fit to be inserted in the clause. He would now refer to the evidence of Mr. Blake on the same subject, which was as follows:-" Would the raising of the elective qualification materially diminish that influence of the priests over the voters at elections?-I think it would; and I think, in every view of it, it is a measure essential to the peace of Ireland." "Have the goodness to explain the manner in which that measure would operate?—I think it would operate beneficially in various views of it, as connected with political power, as connected with the subdividing of land, and as connected with the want of a respectable yeomanry in Ireland. It would operate usefully, in point of political power, because it would give extended effect in Ireland to what I conceive to be a vital principle of the British constitutionthat property and not numbers should constitute the basis of political ascendency in the state. It would operate to prevent multi

plied subdivisions of land, by taking away from landlords the temptation to such divisions, which the hope of extending political influence creates it would tend to encourage the growth of a respectable yeomanry in the country, in the same proportion, and upon the same principle: because landlords who wished to have political influence, and who could only have it through a respectable class of freeholders, would be induced to promote the existence of such a class." Upon the good sense of this answer, he (Mr. Littleton) would be willing to rest, but he was desirous of reading to the house one other question and answer respecting the catholic clergy" Do you apprehend, that a state provision for the catholic clergy would be received gratefully by them and by the people?-I think a state provision for the Roman-catholic clergy, if the Roman-catholic body were taken into the bosom of the state, and received as good and faithful subjects, would be considered a great boon, and would give great satisfaction both to the clergy and laity." After the evidence which he had quoted, as well as from the deep and anxious consideration he had given to this subject, he could not doubt that the main and immediate tendency of this measure would be to take from the catholic population an influence in elections which was neither useful to their interests nor safely exercised, and to extend that which was more properly vested in the higher orders, strengthening at the same time the protestant establishment in that country. had been pressed by more than one hon. member in that house to

He

abandon the measure which was now under discussion, and to content himself rather with the appointment of a committee. He had, however, declined to do this for several reasons. In the first place, he begged to remind the house that it was upon the evidence contained in the report of parliamentary committees that this measure was founded. Whatever difference of opinion might prevail as to the nature of the remedy to be proposed, there was none as to the existence of the evil, which was admitted in its fullest extent. To attempt to reach this evil through the slow means of another committee was in vain; and such was the spirit of evasion in Ireland, that he was convinced any measure short of that legislative enactment which he hoped would now be adopted by the house, would only add tenfold to the perjury and the other evils with which the present system abounded. He was not without hope, that after the statement which he had made, the hon. member for Corfe-castle (Mr. Bankes) would see reason to change and mitigate some of the epithets he had bestowed upon this bill on a former occasion. He hoped, too, that many of those who had for years voted with the hon. member would be now found to desert his ranks; that the defection would not be confined to the young recruits, who had already set the example, but would spread to those veterans who for the last 13 years had shared with him the defeat and overthrow which had, during all that period, attended the opposition to the claims of the catholics. There was no man who did not feel that this ques

tion had now arrived at a point where it was impossible for it to remain stationary any longer. If the public opinion were really to direct the proceedings of that house, who could deny that it was now loudly expressed in favour of the question? Who could observe the heirs apparent to some of the peerages of the realm differing from their fathers, and renouncing the old prejudices which had hitherto seemed inseparably connected with their family names, and yet doubt that the time had arrived when this question must be carried. The catholic clergy, and the laity, were now willing to make sacrifices much greater than they had ever before offered or contemplated. Of this disposition they could give no greater proofs than by their concurrence in the measure before the house. There was no concession which they would not make in return for the boon which this bill was to confer on them; and when it should be carried into effect, they were willing to pass an act of oblivion on all that had taken place, and to hold out the hand of reconciliation. He felt that he should be wanting in candour, if he did not state, that amongst his constituents there were many persons for whose opinion on every other matter he

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had the highest respect, with whom on this it was his fate to differ; but he must state that in that part of the country to which he alluded, the question was rather regarded as one of religious antipathy than of political regulation. He was, however, satisfied that the same causes which had produced so great a change in the opinions of parliament, would have a similar effect out of doors, and he had no doubt that in a very short time all persons would be united in their conviction of the expediency of this measure. For his own part he should act upon this opinion with unabated zeal and he now concluded by saying he was perfectly convinced that until parliament should consent to do what was just towards the catholic people of Ireland, they could never hope to establish that peace and union which were necessary to the wellbeing of the nation.

The honourable member then moved the second reading of the bill, which, after considerable discussion, in which Mr. L. Foster, Mr. Plunkett, Mr. Brougham, Mr. Lambton, Mr. Martin, Mr. Brownlow, Mr. C. Hutchinson, and several other members, was carried by 233 against 185.

CHAPTER IV.

Beer Duties.-Scotch Imprisonments.-Abuse of Prisons in England.Roman Catholic Relief Bill.-The West India Company's Bill.South America.-Judges' Salaries. - Quarantine Laws. - Juries Bill.-Naturalization Oaths.-Scotch Attainders.-Oppression in Ireland.-London University.-Grants to the Duchess of Kent and the Duke of Cumberland. - Delays in Chancery. — Cotton Mills Regulation.

HOUSE of Commons, May 5.— Mr. Maberly rose, pursuant to notice, to submit to the house a proposition for the repeal of the duties on beer. He observed with satisfaction the many applications which had been made to the house, praying that those duties should be removed; but if there were not a single petition before the house on this subject, still he thought parliament was bound to alter the system which now prevailed, and to grant relief to the great body of the people. It was the duty of the legislature to act with impartiality; and he would say, that if ever there was a statute passed that was partial in its operation-that was contrary to justice, it was that which imposed the existing duties on beer.

He had heard the chancellor of the exchequer and the right hon. president of the board of trade declare, that they wished to adopt a system of liberal policy in every respect; and from what he had seen, he believed their anxiety to do so was sincere and disinterested. After the liberal opinions he had heard them express on different occasions in that house, he had a right, he thought, to feel sure that he should have their votes

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this night. There was but one difficulty which stood in the way of his motion-there was but one argument which the gentlemen to whom he had alluded could advance against it—namely, the loss which the revenue would sustain. The principle they must give up to him, unless they turned round on the arguments used by themselves this session. If they wished to do justice, this tax, if it must be continued, should be made to bear equally on all classes. was unfair that it should fall heavily on those who were least able to afford it, while it did not touch the opulent part of society. It was improbable that the house, in general, would understand the situation in which the country stood with reference to those duties, unless he entered into some little detail on this subject. At present, there was a tax on malt of 20s. per quarter: but the house could recollect that the effects of that tax were very different on those who brewed their own beer, when compared with the effect of the beer duties on those who purchased that beverage from the brewer. The rich man could brew his own beer; but the poor man, who had neither premises, capital, skill, or time, could not.

He

He therefore was deprived of the benefit which the opulent man enjoyed. The beer duty was, in fact, a tax on the poor individual, from which the wealthy individual was exempted. He demanded of the house, whether they would continue to support so unfair and so unjust a principle. The duty on beer was very considerable. It produced annually, 2,281,000l., which was charged with 295,000l. for collection. This was chiefly contributed by the poor; and he knew not how any man could reconcile it to his conscience, to vote against a motion which was intended to lighten such a serious burden. The rich man paid 20s. per quarter for his malt. That was the only tax levied on him. But the poor man had to meet a double duty-20s. malt duty, and 35s. beer duty; making a total of 55s. If the calculation were made by the bushel, the rich man paid 10d., while the poor man paid 28. He would ask, was this a just measure of legislation? Was it fair or proper? Nothing tended more to bring legislation into disrepute, than a proceeding so unjust and partial; and therefore some measure ought to be taken to place this tax on a proper footing.

The duty ought either to be removed altogether; or or it should be put on in such a manner that every class should pay alike. As the law now stood, the rich man paid 5s. for that which cost the poor man 15s.; the latter paid 4d. a gallon more for beer than the former. With respect to the plan for introducing a new beer, which the chancellor of the exchequer had endeavoured by a legislative enactment to bring into use, he believed it had not 1825.

produced the contemplated effect, as in the course of the year, b but fifteen thousand barrels of beer were

brewed under that act. These, duties, although in the opinion of some gentlemen they might be so unimportant as to need no alteration, were founded upon a principle which could not stand the test of examination. They enforced from the poor man a tax between 2001. and 300l. per cent. more than was paid by the rich. To the latter, the article of beer was a luxury; to the former, it was one of the indispensible necessaries of life. The poor man required something more than the bread and cheese by which he supported his existence. He required some liquor, and none was better for the purposes of nourishment and refreshment than beer. The effect of spirits upon the lower classes of the community was known to be most injurious and demoralizing. Upon this statement of the facts which this subject disclosed, he asked, then, whether the house could resolve any longer to continue a tax so partial in its operation, and which weighed so heavily upon the poorer classes? It had been said by some of those who were opposed to the view which he (Mr. Maberly) took of this subject, that the poor man might brew his own beer, and thus exempt himself from the payment of this tax; but he could do no such thing To brew required time, which he could not give; it required money, which he did not possess; and space which he could not command. He was probably the the inhabitant of a garret, and his daily earnings only enabled him to provide for his

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